Mahatma Gandhi - Wikipedia

Vorstehender Führer des indischen Nationalismus während des von Großbritannien regierten Indiens

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi
Einheimischer Name	01 કરમચંદ 1945 (Gujarati)
Geboren	Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi ) 2. Oktober 1869 (Gandhi Jayanti)
Gestorben	30. Januar 1948 (1948-01-30) (Alter 78)
Todesursache	Ermordung
Ruhestätte	Raj Ghat, Delhi, Indien
Nationalität	Indianer
Weitere Namen	Mahatma Gandhi, Bapu ji
Alma mater	University College London [2] Inner Temple
Besetzung	Anwalt Polit ician Aktivist Schriftsteller
Bekannt für	indische Unabhängigkeitsbewegung, Friedensbewegung, gewaltloser Widerstand, bürgerlicher Widerstand, ] Gandhism
Büro	Präsident des Indian National Congress
Amtszeit	1924–1925
Politische Partei	Indian National Congress
Bewegung	Indische Unabhängigkeitsbewegung
Ehepartner
Kinder
Eltern
Unterschrift

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi ; [3] ^{[ Benötigt Gujarati IPA ]} Hindustani: [ˈmoːɦəndaːs ˈkərəmtʃənd ˈɡaːndʱi] ( 19659050]) ; 2. Oktober 1869 - 30. Januar 1948) war ein indischer Aktivist, der die indische Unabhängigkeitsbewegung gegen die britische Herrschaft anführte. Gandhi setzte gewaltlosen zivilen Ungehorsam ein, führte Indien zur Unabhängigkeit und inspirierte Bewegungen für Bürgerrechte und Freiheit in der ganzen Welt. Das Ehrentitel Mahātmā (Sanskrit: "Hochseelenreich", "ehrwürdig") ^[4] - erstmals 1914 in Südafrika ^[5] - wird jetzt weltweit verwendet. In Indien wird er auch Bapu (Gujarati: Zärtlichkeit für Vater ^[6] Papa ) [6] genannt. [7] und Gandhi ji und als Vater der Nation bekannt. ^{[8] [9]}

Geboren und aufgewachsen in einer hinduistischen Kaufmannskaste An der Küstenstadt Gujarat (Indien), die am Inner Temple (London) Rechtswissenschaften absolviert hatte, beschäftigte sich Gandhi zunächst mit gewaltfreiem zivilem Ungehorsam als im Ausland lebenden Anwalt in Südafrika, im Kampf der indischen Bevölkerung um Bürgerrechte. Nach seiner Rückkehr nach Indien im Jahr 1915 begann er mit der Organisation von Bauern, Bauern und Stadtarbeitern, um gegen übermäßige Landsteuer und Diskriminierung zu protestieren. Gandhi übernahm die Führung des Indian National Congress im Jahr 1921 und führte landesweite Kampagnen für verschiedene soziale Zwecke und für die Verwirklichung von Swaraj oder Selbstbestimmung.

Gandhi führte die Indianer an, indem sie die von den Briten auferlegte Salzsteuer mit dem 400 km langen Dandi-Salzmarsch im Jahr 1930 anfochten, und später, als er die Briten dazu aufrief, Indien 1942 zu verlassen. Er wurde inhaftiert für viele Jahre, bei vielen Gelegenheiten, sowohl in Südafrika als auch in Indien. Er lebte bescheiden in einer autarken Wohngemeinschaft und trug die traditionellen indischen Dhoti (19459048) und das Tuch, das mit einem auf einem charkha handgesponnenen Garn gewebt war. Er aß einfaches vegetarisches Essen und unternahm auch lange Fasten als Mittel zur Selbstreinigung und zum politischen Protest.

Gandhis Vision eines unabhängigen, auf religiösem Pluralismus basierenden Indiens wurde jedoch in den frühen 1940er Jahren von einem neuen muslimischen Nationalismus herausgefordert, der eine eigene muslimische Heimat forderte, die aus Indien herausgehauen wurde. ^[10] Schließlich gewährte Großbritannien im August 1947 die Unabhängigkeit, aber das Britisch-Indische Imperium ^[10] wurde in zwei Herrschaftsbereiche aufgeteilt, einem Hindu-Mehrheits-Indien und einem Muslim-Mehrheit-Pakistan. ^[11] Während viele vertriebene Hindus, Muslime und Sikhs ihren Weg in ihr neues Land fanden, kam es zu religiöser Gewalt, insbesondere im Punjab und in Bengalen. Während der offiziellen Feier der Unabhängigkeit in Delhi besuchte Gandhi die betroffenen Gebiete und versuchte, Trost zu leisten. In den folgenden Monaten verpflichtete er mehrere Male zu Tode, um religiöse Gewalt zu beenden. Das letzte, das er am 12. Januar 1948, als er 78 Jahre alt war, ^[12] unternahm, hatte das indirekte Ziel, Indien dazu zu drängen, einige der Pakistan geschuldete Barvermögen auszubezahlen. ^[12] ] Einige Inder dachten, Gandhi sei zu entgegenkommend. ^{[12] [13]} Unter ihnen war Nathuram Godse, ein hinduistischer Nationalist, der Gandhi am 30. Januar 1948 ermordete, indem er drei Kugeln in seine Brust schoss. ^[13] Godse und sein Mitverschwörer Narayan Apte wurden zusammen mit vielen seiner Mitverschwörer und Kollaborateuren festgenommen und vor Gericht gestellt, verurteilt und hingerichtet, während viele ihrer Komplizen zu Haftstrafen verurteilt wurden.

Gandhis Geburtstag, der 2. Oktober, wird in Indien als Gandhi Jayanti, einem Nationalfeiertag, und weltweit als Internationaler Tag der Gewaltlosigkeit gefeiert.

Biografie

Frühes Leben und Hintergrund

Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi ^[14] wurde am 2. Oktober 1869 ^[1] in eine Gujarati Hindu Modh Baniya-Familie ^{geboren [15]} in Porbandar (auch Sudamapuri genannt), eine Küstenstadt auf der Halbinsel Kathiawar und dann Teil des kleinen Fürstentums Porbandar in der Kathiawar-Agentur der Indischen Kaiserzeit. Sein Vater, Karamchand Uttamchand Gandhi (1822–1885), diente als diwan (oberster Minister) des Bundesstaates Porbandar. ^[16]

. Obwohl er nur eine Grundschulausbildung hatte und zuvor gewesen war Karamchand, ein Angestellter in der Staatsverwaltung, erwies sich als fähiger Ministerpräsident. ^[17] Während seiner Amtszeit heiratete Karamchand viermal. Seine ersten beiden Frauen starben früh, nachdem jede eine Tochter zur Welt gebracht hatte, und seine dritte Ehe war kinderlos. 1857 ersuchte Karamchand die Erlaubnis seiner dritten Frau, wieder zu heiraten; in diesem Jahr heiratete er Putlibai (1844–1891), der ebenfalls aus Junagadh stammte, ^[17] und stammte aus einer Familie der Pranami Vaishnava. ^{[18] [19656063] [19656064] [20] [21]} Karamchand und Putlibai hatten im folgenden Jahrzehnt drei Kinder: einen Sohn, Laxmidas (ca. 1860–1914); eine Tochter, Raliatbehn (1862–1960); und ein anderer Sohn, Karsandas (ca. 1866–1913). ^{[22] [23]}

Am 2. Oktober 1869 brachte Putlibai ihr letztes Kind, Mohandas, in einem dunklen, fensterlosen Boden zur Welt. Zimmer im Erdgeschoss der Gandhi-Familienresidenz in Porbandar. Als Kind wurde Gandhi von seiner Schwester Raliat als "unruhig als Quecksilber beschrieben, das entweder herumspielte oder herumwanderte. Zu seinen Lieblingsbeschäftigungen gehörte es, Hundeohren zu drehen." ^[24] Die indischen Klassiker, besonders die Geschichten von Shravana und König Harishchandra beeinflussten Gandhi in seiner Kindheit. In seiner Autobiographie gibt er zu, dass sie einen unauslöschlichen Eindruck in seinem Kopf hinterlassen haben. Er schreibt: "Es hat mich verfolgt und ich muss Harishchandra mir mal ohne Nummer vorgespielt haben." Gandhis frühe Selbstidentifikation mit Wahrheit und Liebe als höchsten Werten lässt sich auf diese epischen Charaktere zurückführen. ^{[25] [26]}

Der religiöse Hintergrund der Familie war vielseitig. Gandhis Vater Karamchand war Hindu und seine Mutter Putlibai stammte aus einer Pranami Vaishnava-Hindu-Familie. ^{[27] [28]} Gandhis Vater war aus der Modh Baniya-Kaste in der Varna von Vaishya. ^[29] Seine Mutter stammte aus der mittelalterlichen Pranami-Tradition in Krishna Bhakti, zu deren religiösen Texten Bhagavad Gita Bhagavata Purana und eine Sammlung von 14 Texten mit Lehren gehören, die der Tradition nach glauben umfassen die Essenz der Veden, des Korans und der Bibel. ^{[28] [30]} Gandhi war tief beeinflusst von seiner Mutter, einer äußerst frommen Frau, die "ohne ihre täglichen Gebete nicht daran denken würde, ihre Mahlzeiten einzunehmen. Sie würde die härtesten Gelübde ablegen und sie ohne zucken zurückhalten. Zwei oder drei aufeinander folgende Fasten zu halten war nichts für sie her. " ^[31]

Im Jahr 1874 verließ Gandhis Vater Karamchand Porbandar in den kleineren Bundesstaat Rajkot, wo er seinem Herrscher, dem Thakur Sahib, Ratgeber wurde; Obwohl Rajkot ein weniger angesehener Staat als Porbandar war, befand sich dort die britische regionale politische Behörde, die dem Staat diwan ein Sicherheitsmaß gab. ^[32] Im Jahr 1876 wurde Karamchand diwan von Rajkot und wurde als diwan von Porbandar von seinem Bruder Tulsidas abgelöst. Seine Familie schloss sich ihm dann in Rajkot an. ^[33]

Gandhi (rechts) mit seinem ältesten Bruder Laxmidas im Jahre 1886. ^[34]

Im Alter von 9 Jahren trat Gandhi in die örtliche Schule in Rajkot ein. in der Nähe seines Hauses. Dort studierte er die Grundlagen der Arithmetik, der Geschichte, der Gujarati-Sprache und der Geographie. ^[33] Im Alter von 11 Jahren trat er in die High School in Rajkot ein. ^[35] Er war ein durchschnittlicher Student, gewann einige Preise, war aber ein schüchterner und sprachfremder Student, der kein Interesse an Spielen hatte. Seine einzigen Begleiter waren Bücher und Schulunterricht. ^[36]

Während seiner Schulzeit stellte Gandhis älterer Bruder ihn einem muslimischen Freund namens Sheikh Mehtab vor. Mehtab war älter, größer und ermutigte den streng vegetarischen Jungen, Fleisch zu essen, um an Größe zu gewinnen. Er brachte auch Mohandas eines Tages in ein Bordell, obwohl Mohandas "in dieser Höhle des Lasters blind und stumm geschlagen wurde", wies die Prostituierten zurück und wurde sofort aus dem Bordell geschickt. Die Erfahrung verursachte Mohandas Seelenangst und er verließ die Firma Mehtab. ^[37]

Im Mai 1883 war die 13-jährige Mohandas mit dem 14-jährigen Kasturbai Makhanji Kapadia (ihrem Vornamen) verheiratet wurde gewöhnlich in einer arrangierten Ehe zu "Kasturba" und liebevoll zu "Ba" verkürzt, entsprechend dem damaligen Brauch der Region. ^[38] Dabei verlor er ein Jahr in der Schule, durfte aber später durch Beschleunigung seines Studiums aufholen. ^[39] Seine Hochzeit war eine gemeinsame Veranstaltung, bei der auch sein Bruder und sein Cousin verheiratet waren. Er erinnerte sich an den Tag ihrer Hochzeit und sagte einmal: "Da wir nicht viel über die Ehe wissen, bedeutet es für uns, nur neue Kleider zu tragen, Süßigkeiten zu essen und mit Verwandten zu spielen." In der vorherrschenden Tradition sollte die heranwachsende Braut jedoch viel Zeit im Haus ihrer Eltern verbringen und sich von ihrem Mann fernhalten. ^[40] Viele Jahre später schrieb Mohandas mit einem Bedauern die lustvollen Gefühle, die er für seine junge Braut empfand. "Selbst in der Schule habe ich immer an sie gedacht, und der Gedanke an den Einbruch der Nacht und unser nachfolgendes Treffen haben mich immer verfolgt." Später erinnerte er sich daran, dass er eifersüchtig und besitzergreifend für sie war, etwa wenn sie mit ihren Freundinnen einen Tempel besuchte und in seinen Gefühlen sexuell lüstern wollte. ^[41]

Ende 1885 starb Gandhis Vater Karamchand. ^[42] Gandhi, damals 16 Jahre alt, und seine Frau im Alter von 17 Jahren hatten ihr erstes Baby, das nur wenige Tage überlebte. Die beiden Todesfälle haben Gandhi gequält. ^[42] Das Gandhi-Paar hatte vier weitere Kinder, alle Söhne: Harilal, geboren 1888; Manilal, geboren 1892; Ramdas, geboren 1897; und Devdas, geboren 1900. ^[38]

Im November 1887 absolvierte der 18-jährige Gandhi das Gymnasium in Ahmedabad. ^[43] Im Januar 1888 schrieb er sich am Samaldas College im Bundesstaat Bhavnagar ein, der damals die einzige Hochschulausbildungseinrichtung in der Region war. Aber er brach ab und kehrte zu seiner Familie in Porbandar zurück. ^[44]

Englischer Rechtsanwalt

Gandhi stammte aus einer armen Familie, und er hatte das billigste College aufgegeben, das er sich leisten konnte. ^{19460667] Mavji Dave Joshiji, ein brahmanischer Priester und Familienfreund, riet Gandhi und seiner Familie, er solle in London studieren. [46] Im Juli 1888 gebar seine Frau Kasturba ihren ersten überlebenden Sohn Harilal. [47] Seine Mutter fühlte sich nicht wohl dabei, dass Gandhi seine Frau und seine Familie verlassen und so weit von zu Hause entfernt war. Gandhis Onkel Tulsidas versuchte auch, seinen Neffen davon abzubringen. Gandhi wollte gehen. Um seine Frau und Mutter zu überzeugen, legte Gandhi vor seiner Mutter ein Gelübde ab, auf Fleisch, Alkohol und Frauen zu verzichten. Gandhis Bruder Laxmidas, der bereits Anwalt war, jubelte Gandhis Studienplan in London zu und bot ihm an, ihn zu unterstützen. Putlibai gab Gandhi ihre Erlaubnis und seinen Segen. [44] [48]}

Am 10. August 1888 verließ Gandhi im Alter von 18 Jahren Porbandar nach Mumbai, damals bekannt als Bombay. Nach seiner Ankunft blieb er bei der örtlichen Gemeinde Modh Bania, während er auf die Schiffsreisen wartete. Der Gemeindevorsteher kannte Gandhis Vater. Nachdem er Gandhis Pläne erfahren hatte, warnten er und andere Älteste Gandhi, dass England ihn dazu bringen würde, seine Religion zu beeinträchtigen und auf westliche Weise zu essen und zu trinken. Gandhi informierte sie über sein Versprechen an seine Mutter und ihren Segen. Der örtliche Chef ignorierte es und exkommunizierte ihn aus seiner Kaste. Aber Gandhi ignorierte dies und segelte am 4. September von Bombay nach London. Sein Bruder setzte ihn ab. ^{[47] [49]}
Gandhi besuchte das University College in London, das ein konstituierendes College der University of London ist.

Gandhi in London als Jurastudent

An der UCL studierte er Rechtswissenschaften und wurde eingeladen, sich im Inneren Tempel mit der Absicht anzuschreiben, Rechtsanwalt zu werden. Seine Schüchternheit und sein Rückzug aus der Kindheit hatten sich im Alter von zehn Jahren fortgesetzt, und er blieb so, als er in London ankam, aber er trat einer öffentlich sprechenden Übungsgruppe bei und überwand dieses Handicap, um das Recht auszuüben. ^[50]

Seine Zeit in London war von dem Gelübde beeinflusst, das er seiner Mutter gemacht hatte. Er versuchte, "englische" Sitten zu übernehmen, einschließlich Tanzstunden. Er konnte jedoch das milde vegetarische Essen, das seine Vermieterin anbot, nicht schätzen und war häufig hungrig, bis er eines der wenigen vegetarischen Restaurants in London fand. Beeinflusst von Henry Salts Schreiben, trat er der Vegetarian Society bei, wurde in sein Exekutivkomitee gewählt ^[51] und gründete ein lokales Bayswater-Kapitel. ^[20] Einige der Vegetarier, die er traf, waren Mitglieder der Theosophical Society, die 1875 zur Förderung der universellen Brüderlichkeit gegründet worden war und sich dem Studium der buddhistischen und hinduistischen Literatur widmete. Sie ermutigten Gandhi, gemeinsam mit ihnen Bhagavad Gita zu lesen, sowohl in der Übersetzung als auch im Original. ^[51]

Im Juni 1891 wurde Gandhi im Alter von 22 Jahren in die Anwaltskammer berufen und verließ London nach Indien, wo er erfuhr, dass seine Mutter während seines Aufenthalts in London gestorben war und dass seine Familie ihm die Neuigkeit vorenthalten hatte. ^[51] Seine Versuche, in Bombay eine Anwaltspraxis einzurichten, schlugen fehl, weil er psychologisch nicht in der Lage war, Zeugen miteinander zu vergleichen. Er kehrte nach Rajkot zurück, um ein bescheidenes Petitionsverfahren für Prozessparteien einzureichen, aber er musste aufhören, als er sich mit dem britischen Offizier Sam Sunny befand. ^{[20] [51] [194549027] Im Jahr 1893 kontaktierte ein muslimischer Händler in Kathiawar namens Dada Abdullah Gandhi. Abdullah besaß ein großes, erfolgreiches Versandgeschäft in Südafrika. Sein entfernter Cousin in Johannesburg brauchte einen Anwalt, und sie bevorzugten jemanden mit Kathiawari-Erbe. Gandhi erkundigte sich nach seinem Lohn für die Arbeit. Sie boten ein Gesamtgehalt von £ 105 plus Reisekosten. Er akzeptierte es, wissend, dass es mindestens ein Jahr Engagement in der Kolonie Natal, Südafrika, sein würde, die ebenfalls Teil des britischen Empire ist. [20] [52]}

Bürgerrechtsaktivist in Südafrika (1893–1914)

Im April 1893 segelte Gandhi im Alter von 23 Jahren nach Südafrika, um der Anwalt von Abdullahs Cousin zu sein. ^{[52] [53] [53]} Er verbrachte 21 Jahre in Südafrika, wo er seine politischen Ansichten, seine Ethik und seine Politik entwickelte. ^[54]

Unmittelbar nach seiner Ankunft in Südafrika wurde Gandhi wie alle Menschen in Südafrika Diskriminierung ausgesetzt Farbe. ^[55] Er durfte nicht mit europäischen Passagieren in der Postkutsche sitzen und sagte, er solle sich neben dem Fahrer auf den Boden setzen und dann geschlagen werden, als er sich weigerte; an anderer Stelle wurde er in eine Rinne getreten, weil er sich gewagt hatte, in der Nähe eines Hauses zu laufen, in Pietermaritzburg aus einem Zug geworfen, nachdem er sich geweigert hatte, die Erste Klasse zu verlassen. ^{[56] [57]} Er saß auf dem Bahnhof und zitterte die ganze Nacht und überlegte, ob er nach Indien zurückkehren oder für seine Rechte protestieren sollte. ^[57] Er beschloss zu protestieren und durfte am nächsten Tag in den Zug einsteigen. ^[58] Bei einem anderen Vorfall ordnete der Richter eines Gerichts in Durban an, dass Gandhi seinen Turban entfernen sollte, was er jedoch ablehnte. ^[59] In Südafrika durften Inder nicht auf öffentlichen Wegen laufen. Gandhi wurde von einem Polizeibeamten ohne Vorwarnung aus dem Fußweg auf die Straße getreten. [19454] [60]

Als Gandhi in Südafrika ankam, hielt er sich nach Herman für "einen Briten und einen Inder" zweite ". ^[61] Die von Gandhi erlebten und beobachteten Vorurteile gegen ihn und seine indianischen Mitbürger störten ihn jedoch sehr. Er fand es demütigend und bemühte sich zu verstehen, wie manche Menschen in solchen unmenschlichen Praktiken Ehre, Überlegenheit oder Freude empfinden können. ^[57] Gandhi begann, die Stellung seines Volkes im britischen Empire in Frage zu stellen. ^[62]

Der Fall Abdullah, der ihn nach Südafrika gebracht hatte, wurde im Mai 1894 abgeschlossen, und die indische Gemeinschaft organisierte eine Abschiedsparty für Gandhi, als er sich darauf vorbereitete Rückkehr nach Indien. ^[63] Ein neuer diskriminierender Vorschlag der Regierung Natal führte jedoch dazu, dass Gandhi seinen ursprünglichen Aufenthalt in Südafrika verlängerte. Er beabsichtigte, Indianer bei der Ablehnung eines Gesetzes zu unterstützen, um ihnen das Wahlrecht zu verweigern. Ein Recht, das dann als ausschließliches europäisches Recht vorgeschlagen wurde. Er bat Joseph Chamberlain, den britischen Kolonialminister, um seine Position zu diesem Gesetz zu überdenken. ^[54] Obwohl es ihm nicht gelang, die Gesetzesvorlage zu stoppen, gelang es ihm, die Aufmerksamkeit auf die Missstände der Indianer in Südafrika zu lenken. Er war an der Gründung des Natal Indian Congress im Jahre 1894, ^{[20] [58]} beteiligt und formte durch diese Organisation die indische Gemeinschaft Südafrikas zu einer einheitlichen politischen Kraft. Im Januar 1897, als Gandhi in Durban landete, griff ihn eine Menge weißer Siedler an [19459156[64] und er konnte nur durch die Bemühungen der Frau des Polizeikommissars fliehen. Er lehnte es jedoch ab, Anklage gegen ein Mitglied des Pöbels zu erheben. ^[20]

Während des Burenkrieges meldete sich Gandhi im Jahr 1900 freiwillig, um eine Gruppe von Trageführern als Natal Indian Ambulance Corps zu bilden. Laut Arthur Herman wollte Gandhi das imperiale britische Stereotyp widerlegen, wonach Hindus im Gegensatz zu den muslimischen "Martial Race" nicht für "männliche" Aktivitäten mit Gefahr und Anstrengung geeignet seien. ^[65] Gandhi brachte elfhundert indische Freiwillige zusammen, um britische Kampftruppen gegen die Buren zu unterstützen. Sie wurden ausgebildet und medizinisch zertifiziert, um an der Front zu dienen. Sie waren Hilfskräfte in der Schlacht von Colenso für ein weißes freiwilliges Rettungswagenkorps; Bei Spion rückten Kop Gandhi und seine Träger an die Front und mussten verwundete Soldaten kilometerweit in ein Feldkrankenhaus bringen, weil das Gelände für die Rettungswagen zu rau war. Gandhi und siebenunddreißig andere Inder erhielten die südafrikanische Medaille der Königin. ^[66]

Im Jahr 1906 verkündete die Transvaal-Regierung ein neues Gesetz, das die Registrierung der indischen und chinesischen Bevölkerung der Kolonie zwang. Auf einem Massenprotesttreffen in Johannesburg am 11. September desselben Jahres übernahm Gandhi zum ersten Mal seine sich noch weiter entwickelnde Methodik von [Satyagraha (Ergebenheit an der Wahrheit) oder gewaltfreier Protest. ^[67] Laut Anthony Parel wurde Gandhi auch vom tamilischen Text Tirukkuṛaḷ beeinflusst, weil Leo Tolstoy es in seiner Korrespondenz erwähnte, die mit "Ein Brief an einen Hindu" begann. ^{[68] [69] ]} Gandhi forderte die Inder auf, sich dem neuen Gesetz zu widersetzen und die Strafen dafür zu erleiden. Gandhis Vorstellungen von Protesten, Überzeugungskraft und Öffentlichkeitsarbeit waren aufgetaucht. Diese brachte er 1915 nach Indien zurück. ^{[70] [71]}

Europäer, Inder und Afrikaner

Gandhi richtete seine Aufmerksamkeit auf Inder, während er sich in Südafrika befand. Er interessierte sich nicht für Politik. Dies änderte sich, nachdem er diskriminiert und gemobbt worden war, etwa weil er von einem weißen Zugbeamten wegen seiner Hautfarbe aus einem Zugwagen geworfen wurde. Nach mehreren derartigen Vorfällen mit Whites in Südafrika änderte sich Gandhis Denken und Fokussierung, und er hatte das Gefühl, dass er sich dagegen wehren und für die Rechte kämpfen muss. Er trat in die Politik ein, als er den Natal Indian Congress bildete. ^[72] Laut Ashwin Desai und Goolam Vahed sind Gandhis Ansichten über Rassismus umstritten und in manchen Fällen für diejenigen, die ihn bewundern, ein Ärgernis. Gandhi wurde in Südafrika von Anfang an verfolgt. Wie bei anderen farbigen Leuten verweigerten ihm weiße Beamte seine Rechte, und die Presse und die Leute auf den Straßen schikanierten und nannten ihn einen "Parasiten", "semi-barbarisch", "Krebs", "verdorbenen Coolie", "gelben Mann". und andere Inbegriffe. Die Menschen spuckten ihn als Ausdruck von Rassenhass aus. ^[73]

In Südafrika konzentrierte sich Gandhi auf die rassische Verfolgung von Indianern, ignorierte jedoch die von Afrikanern. In einigen Fällen, so Desai und Vahed, war sein Verhalten ein williger Teil der Rassenstereotypisierung und der Ausbeutung Afrikas. ^[73] In einer Rede im September 1896 beklagte Gandhi, dass die Weißen in der britischen Kolonie Südafrika indische Hindus und Muslime auf "ein Niveau von Kaffir" degradierten. ^[74] Gelehrte zitieren es als Beweismittel dafür, dass Gandhi damals Indianer und schwarze Südafrikaner anders dachte. ^[73] Als weiteres Beispiel, das von Herman angeführt wurde, bereitete Gandhi im Alter von 24 Jahren 1895 ein Rechtsgutachten für die Vollversammlung von Natal vor, in dem er das Stimmrecht für Inder anstrebte. Gandhi zitierte die Geschichte der Rassen und die Ansichten der europäischen Orientalisten, dass "Angelsachsen und Inder aus demselben arischen Lager oder eher aus den indoeuropäischen Völkern stammen", und argumentierten, dass Inder nicht mit den Afrikanern in Verbindung stehen sollten. ^[63]

Jahre später haben Gandhi und seine Kollegen Afrikanern als Krankenschwestern gedient und geholfen, indem sie Rassismus bekämpfen, so der Friedensnobelpreisträger Nelson Mandela. Das allgemeine Bild von Gandhi, Staat Desai und Vahed, wurde seit seiner Ermordung neu erfunden, als ob er immer ein Heiliger wäre, als sein Leben in Wirklichkeit komplexer war, unbequeme Wahrheiten enthielt und sich im Laufe der Zeit weiterentwickelte. ^[73] Im Gegensatz dazu geben andere Gelehrte aus Afrika an, dass Beweise auf eine reiche Geschichte der Zusammenarbeit und der Bemühungen Gandhis und der indischen Bevölkerung mit nicht-weißen Südafrikanern gegen die Verfolgung von Afrikanern und der Apartheid hindeuten. ^[75]

1906, als Die Briten erklärten den Krieg gegen das Zulu-Königreich in Natal, Gandhi im Alter von 36 Jahren, sympathisierten mit den Zulus und ermutigten die indischen Freiwilligen, als Krankenwageneinheit zu helfen. ^[76] Er argumentierte, dass die Indianer an den Kriegsanstrengungen teilnehmen sollten, um die Einstellung und Wahrnehmung des britischen Volkes gegen das farbige Volk zu ändern. ^[77] Gandhi, eine Gruppe von 20 Indern und Schwarzen in Südafrika, die sich freiwillig als Kettenträgerkorps zur Verfügung gestellt haben, um verwundete britische Soldaten und die andere Seite des Krieges zu behandeln: Opfer der Zulu ^[76]

Gandhi in Südafrika fotografiert (1909)

Weiße Soldaten hinderten Gandhi und sein Team daran, den verletzten Zulu zu behandeln, und einige afrikanische Träger mit Gandhi wurden von den Briten erschossen. Das von Gandhi kommandierte Ärzteteam war weniger als zwei Monate im Einsatz. ^[76] Gandhi, der freiwillig als "überzeugter Loyalist" während der Zulu und anderer Kriege half, machte keinen Unterschied in der britischen Haltung, sagt Herman, und die afrikanische Erfahrung war ein Teil seiner großen Desillusionierung des Westens und verwandelte ihn in eine "kompromisslose cooperator ". ^[77]

Im Jahr 1910 gründete Gandhi mit Hilfe seines Freundes Hermann Kallenbach eine idealistische Gemeinde, die sie" Tolstoy Farm "in der Nähe von Johannesburg nannten. ^[78] Dort pflegte er seine Politik des friedlichen Widerstands. ^[79]

In den Jahren, nachdem schwarze Südafrikaner in Südafrika das Wahlrecht (1994) erlangt hatten, wurde Gandhi zum Nationalhelden mit zahlreichen Monumenten ausgerufen. ^[80]

Kampf um die Unabhängigkeit Indiens (1915–1947)

Auf Ersuchen von Gopal Krishna Gokhale, die ihm CF Andrews überbrachte, kehrte Gandhi 1915 nach Indien zurück. Er war international führend in Indien , Theoretiker und Organisator der Gemeinschaft.

Gandhi trat dem Indian National Congress bei und wurde in erster Linie von Gokhale in indische Angelegenheiten, Politik und das indische Volk eingeführt. Gokhale war ein Schlüsselführer der Kongresspartei, die vor allem für seine Zurückhaltung und Moderation bekannt war und darauf bestand, innerhalb des Systems zu arbeiten. Gandhi nahm Gokhales liberalen Ansatz, der auf britischen Whiggish-Traditionen basierte, und verwandelte ihn, um ihn indisch aussehen zu lassen. ^[81]

Gandhi übernahm die Leitung des Kongresses im Jahr 1920 und begann, die Forderungen zu steigern, bis der Indian National Congress am 26. Januar 1930 erklärte die Unabhängigkeit Indiens. Die Briten erkannten die Erklärung nicht an, aber es folgten Verhandlungen, und der Kongress übernahm Ende der 1930er Jahre eine Rolle in der Provinzregierung. Gandhi und der Kongress zogen ihre Unterstützung für das Raj zurück, als der Vizekönig Deutschland im September 1939 ohne Konsultation den Krieg erklärte. Die Spannungen eskalierten, bis Gandhi 1942 die sofortige Unabhängigkeit forderte und die Briten darauf reagierten, indem sie ihn und Zehntausende von Kongressführern inhaftierten. Inzwischen kooperierte die Muslim League mit Großbritannien und forderte gegen Gandhis starken Widerstand die Forderung nach einem völlig separaten muslimischen Staat Pakistan. Im August 1947 teilten die Briten das Land mit Indien und Pakistan, und beide erlangten ihre Unabhängigkeit zu Bedingungen, die Gandhi missbilligte. ^[82]

Rolle im Ersten Weltkrieg

Im April 1918, während des letzten Teils des Ersten Weltkriegs , der Vizekönig lud Gandhi zu einer Kriegskonferenz in Delhi ein. ^[83] Gandhi willigte ein, Indianer für die Kriegsanstrengung zu rekrutieren. ^{[84] [85]} Im Gegensatz zum Zulu-Krieg von 1906 und dem Ausbruch des Ersten Weltkrieges im Jahr 1914, als er Freiwillige für das Ambulanzkorps rekrutierte, versuchte Gandhi dieses Mal, Kämpfer zu rekrutieren. In einem Flugblatt vom Juni 1918 mit dem Titel "Appeal for Enlistment" schrieb Gandhi: "Um einen solchen Stand der Dinge herbeizuführen, sollten wir die Fähigkeit haben, uns zu verteidigen, das heißt die Fähigkeit, Waffen zu tragen und sie zu benutzen ... Wenn wir wollen Um den Gebrauch von Waffen mit der größtmöglichen Absendung zu erlernen, ist es unsere Pflicht, uns selbst in die Armee einzuberufen. " ^[86] Er hat jedoch in einem Brief an den Privatsekretär des Vizekönigs festgelegt, dass er" persönlich tötet oder verletzt niemanden, Freund oder Feind. " ^[87]

Die Rekrutierungskampagne von Gandhi stellte die Konsequenz der Gewaltlosigkeit in Frage. Gandhis Privatsekretär stellte fest, dass "die Frage nach der Kohärenz zwischen seinem Glaubensbekenntnis von" Ahimsa "(Gewaltlosigkeit) und seiner Rekrutierungskampagne nicht nur damals aufgeworfen wurde, sondern seitdem diskutiert wurde. ^[84]

Champaran und Kheda

Champaran-Agitationen

Gandhi im Jahr 1918, zur Zeit der Kheda und Champaran-Satyagrahas

Gandhis erster großer Erfolg kam 1917 mit der Champaran-Agitation in Bihar. Die Champaraner Agitation stellte die örtliche Bauernschaft gegen ihre überwiegend britischen Grundbesitzer, die von der örtlichen Verwaltung unterstützt wurden. Die Bauern waren gezwungen, Indigo anzubauen, eine Ernte, deren Nachfrage über zwei Jahrzehnte nachgelassen hatte, und sie mussten ihre Ernte zu einem festen Preis an die Pflanzer verkaufen. Unzufrieden damit, appellierte die Bauernschaft an Gandhi in seinem Ashram in Ahmedabad. Gandhi verfolgte eine Strategie des gewaltlosen Protestes, überraschte die Regierung und gewann Zugeständnisse der Behörden. ^{[88] ​​}

Kheda-Agitationen

1918 wurde Kheda von Überschwemmungen und Hungersnöten getroffen und die Bauern forderten Erleichterung von den Steuern. Gandhi verlegte sein Hauptquartier nach Nadiad, ^[89] . Er organisierte zahlreiche Unterstützer und frische Freiwillige aus der Region, vor allem Vallabhbhai Patel. ^[90] Mit der Nichtkooperation als Technik initiierte Gandhi eine Unterschriftenkampagne, bei der die Bauern die Zahlung von Einnahmen selbst unter Androhung der Konfiszierung von Land zugesagt hatten. Ein sozialer Boykott von Mamlatdars und Talatdars (Steuerbehörden des Bezirks) begleitete die Aufregung. Gandhi hat hart gearbeitet, um öffentliche Unterstützung für die Agitation im ganzen Land zu gewinnen. Fünf Monate lang lehnte die Regierung dies ab, doch schließlich setzte die Regierung Ende Mai 1918 wichtige Bestimmungen um und lockerte die Bedingungen für die Entrichtung der Steuer auf Einkommen bis zum Ende der Hungersnot. In Kheda, Vallabhbhai Patel represented the farmers in negotiations with the British, who suspended revenue collection and released all the prisoners.^[91]

Khilafat movement

In 1919 after the World War I was over, Gandhi (aged 49) sought political co-operation from Muslims in his fight against British imperialism by supporting the Ottoman Empire that had been defeated in the World War. Before this initiative of Gandhi, communal disputes and religious riots between Hindus and Muslims were common in British India, such as the riots of 1917–18. Gandhi had already supported the British crown with resources and by recruiting Indian soldiers to fight the war in Europe on the British side. This effort of Gandhi was in part motivated by the British promise to reciprocate the help with swaraj (self-government) to Indians after the end of World War I.^[92] The British government, instead of self government, had offered minor reforms instead, disappointing Gandhi.^[93] Gandhi announced his satyagraha (civil disobedience) intentions. The British colonial officials made their counter move by passing the Rowlatt Act, to block Gandhi's movement. The Act allowed the British government to treat civil disobedience participants as criminals and gave it the legal basis to arrest anyone for "preventive indefinite detention, incarceration without judicial review or any need for a trial".^[94]

Gandhi felt that Hindu-Muslim co-operation was necessary for political progress against the British. He leveraged the Khilafat movement, wherein Sunni Muslims in India, their leaders such as the sultans of princely states in India and Ali brothers championed the Turkish Caliph as a solidarity symbol of Sunni Islamic community (ummah). They saw the Caliph as their means to support Islam and the Islamic law after the defeat of Ottoman Empire in World War I.^[95][96][97] Gandhi's support to the Khilafat movement led to mixed results. It initially led to a strong Muslim support for Gandhi. However, the Hindu leaders including Rabindranath Tagore questioned Gandhi's leadership because they were largely against recognising or supporting the Sunni Islamic Caliph in Turkey.^[94][98][99]

The increasing Muslim support for Gandhi, after he championed the Caliph's cause, temporarily stopped the Hindu-Muslim communal violence. It offered evidence of inter-communal harmony in joint Rowlatt satyagraha demonstration rallies, raising Gandhi's stature as the political leader to the British.^[100][101] His support for the Khilafat movement also helped him sideline Muhammad Ali Jinnah, who had announced his opposition to the satyagraha non-cooperation movement approach of Gandhi. Jinnah began creating his independent support, and later went on to lead the demand for West and East Pakistan.^[102][103]

By the end of 1922 the Khilafat movement had collapsed.^[104] Turkey's Ataturk had ended the Caliphate, Khilafat movement ended, and Muslim support for Gandhi largely evaporated.^[96][97] Muslim leaders and delegates abandoned Gandhi and his Congress.^[105] Hindu-Muslim communal conflicts reignited. Deadly religious riots re-appeared in numerous cities, with 91 in United Provinces of Agra and Oudh alone. ^[106][107]

Non-co-operation

With his book Hind Swaraj (1909) Gandhi, aged 40, declared that British rule was established in India with the co-operation of Indians and had survived only because of this co-operation. If Indians refused to co-operate, British rule would collapse and swaraj would come.^[108]

Sabarmati Ashram, Gandhi's home in Gujarat is now a museum (photographed in 2006).

In February 1919, Gandhi cautioned the Viceroy of India with a cable communication that if the British were to pass the Rowlatt Act, he will appeal Indians to start civil disobedience.^[109] The British government ignored him, passed the law stating it will not yield to threats. The satyagraha civil disobedience followed, with people assembling to protest the Rowlatt Act. On 30 March 1919, British law officers opened fire on an assembly of unarmed people, peacefully gathered, participating in satyagraha in Delhi.^[109] People rioted in retaliation. On 6 April 1919, a Hindu festival day, he asked a crowd to remember not to injure or kill British people, but express their frustration with peace, to boycott British goods and burn any British clothing they own. He emphasised the use of non-violence to the British and towards each other, even if the other side uses violence. Communities across India announced plans to gather in greater numbers to protest. Government warned him to not enter Delhi. Gandhi defied the order. On 9 April, Gandhi was arrested.^[109] People rioted. On 13 April 1919, people including women with children gathered in an Amritsar park, and a British officer named Reginald Dyer surrounded them and ordered his troops to fire on them. The resulting Jallianwala Bagh massacre (or Amritsar massacre) of hundreds of Sikh and Hindu civilians enraged the subcontinent, but was cheered by some Britons and parts of the British media as an appropriate response. Gandhi in Ahmedabad, on the day after the massacre in Amritsar, did not criticise the British and instead criticised his fellow countrymen for not exclusively using love to deal with the hate of the British government.^[109] Gandhi demanded that people stop all violence, stop all property destruction, and went on fast-to-death to pressure Indians to stop their rioting.^[110]

The massacre and Gandhi's non-violent response to it moved many, but also made some Sikhs and Hindus upset that Dyer was getting away with murder. Investigation committees were formed by the British, which Gandhi asked Indians to boycott.^[109] The unfolding events, the massacre and the British response, led Gandhi to the belief that Indians will never get a fair equal treatment under British rulers, and he shifted his attention to Swaraj or self rule and political independence for India.^[111] In 1921, Gandhi was the leader of the Indian National Congress.^[97] He reorganised the Congress. With Congress now behind him, and Muslim support triggered by his backing the Khilafat movement to restore the Caliph in Turkey,^[97] Gandhi had the political support and the attention of the British Raj.^[99][94][96]

Gandhi spinning yarn, in the late 1920s

Gandhi expanded his nonviolent non-co-operation platform to include the swadeshi policy – the boycott of foreign-made goods, especially British goods. Linked to this was his advocacy that khadi (homespun cloth) be worn by all Indians instead of British-made textiles. Gandhi exhorted Indian men and women, rich or poor, to spend time each day spinning khadi in support of the independence movement.^[112] In addition to boycotting British products, Gandhi urged the people to boycott British institutions and law courts, to resign from government employment, and to forsake British titles and honours. Gandhi thus began his journey aimed at crippling the British India government economically, politically and administratively.^[113]

The appeal of "Non-cooperation" grew, its social popularity drew participation from all strata of Indian society. Gandhi was arrested on 10 March 1922, tried for sedition, and sentenced to six years' imprisonment. He began his sentence on 18 March 1922. With Gandhi isolated in prison, the Indian National Congress split into two factions, one led by Chitta Ranjan Das and Motilal Nehru favouring party participation in the legislatures, and the other led by Chakravarti Rajagopalachari and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, opposing this move.^[114] Furthermore, co-operation among Hindus and Muslims ended as Khilafat movement collapsed with the rise of Ataturk in Turkey. Muslim leaders left the Congress and began forming Muslim organisations. The political base behind Gandhi had broken into factions. Gandhi was released in February 1924 for an appendicitis operation, having served only two years.^[115]

Salt Satyagraha (Salt March)

Original footage of Gandhi and his followers marching to Dandi in the Salt Satyagraha

After his early release from prison for political crimes in 1924, over the second half of the 1920s, Gandhi continued to pursue swaraj. He pushed through a resolution at the Calcutta Congress in December 1928 calling on the British government to grant India dominion status or face a new campaign of non-co-operation with complete independence for the country as its goal.^[116] After his support for the World War I with Indian combat troops, and the failure of Khilafat movement in preserving the rule of Caliph in Turkey, followed by a collapse in Muslim support for his leadership, some such as Subhas Chandra Bose and Bhagat Singh questioned his values and non-violent approach.^[96][117] While many Hindu leaders championed a demand for immediate independence, Gandhi revised his own call to a one-year wait, instead of two.^[116]

The British did not respond favourably to Gandhi's proposal. British political leaders such as Lord Birkenhead and Winston Churchill announced opposition to "the appeasers of Gandhi", in their discussions with European diplomats who sympathised with Indian demands.^[118] On 31 December 1929, the flag of India was unfurled in Lahore. Gandhi led Congress celebrated 26 January 1930 as India's Independence Day in Lahore. This day was commemorated by almost every other Indian organisation. Gandhi then launched a new Satyagraha against the tax on salt in March 1930. Gandhi sent an ultimatum in the form of a polite letter to the viceroy of India, Lord Irwin, on 2 March. A young left wing British Quaker by the name of Reg Reynolds^[119] delivered the letter. Gandhi condemned British rule in the letter, describing it as "a curse" that "has impoverished the dumb millions by a system of progressive exploitation and by a ruinously expensive military and civil administration... It has reduced us politically to serfdom." Gandhi also mentioned in the letter that the viceroy received a salary "over five thousand times India's average income."^[120] British violence, Gandhi promised, was going to be defeated by Indian non-violence.

This was highlighted by the famous Salt March to Dandi from 12 March to 6 April, where, together with 78 volunteers, he marched 388 kilometres (241 mi) from Ahmedabad to Dandi, Gujarat to make salt himself, with the declared intention of breaking the salt laws. Thousands of Indians joined him on this march to the sea. The march took 25 days to cover 240 miles with Gandhi speaking to often huge crowds along the way. On 5 May he was interned under a regulation dating from 1827 in anticipation of a protest that he had planned. The protest at Dharasana salt works on 21 May went ahead without its leader, Gandhi. A horrified American journalist, Webb Miller, described the British response thus:

In complete silence the Gandhi men drew up and halted a hundred yards from the stockade. A picked column advanced from the crowd, waded the ditches and approached the barbed wire stockade...at a word of command, scores of native policemen rushed upon the advancing marchers and rained blows on their heads with their steel-shot lathis [long bamboo sticks]. Not one of the marchers even raised an arm to fend off blows. They went down like ninepins. From where I stood I heard the sickening whack of the clubs on unprotected skulls... Those struck down fell sprawling, unconscious or writhing with fractured skulls or broken shoulders.^[121]

This went on for hours until some 300 or more protesters had been beaten, many seriously injured and two killed. At no time did they offer any resistance.

This campaign was one of his most successful at upsetting British hold on India; Britain responded by imprisoning over 60,000 people.^[122] Congress estimates, however, put the figure at 90,000. Among them was one of Gandhi's lieutenants, Jawaharlal Nehru.

According to Sarma, Gandhi recruited women to participate in the salt tax campaigns and the boycott of foreign products, which gave many women a new self-confidence and dignity in the mainstream of Indian public life.^[123] However, other scholars such as Marilyn French state that Gandhi barred women from joining his civil disobedience movement because he feared he would be accused of using women as political shield.^[124] When women insisted that they join the movement and public demonstrations, according to Thapar-Bjorkert, Gandhi asked the volunteers to get permissions of their guardians and only those women who can arrange child-care should join him.^[125] Regardless of Gandhi's apprehensions and views, Indian women joined the Salt March by the thousands to defy the British salt taxes and monopoly on salt mining. After Gandhi's arrest, the women marched and picketed shops on their own, accepting violence and verbal abuse from British authorities for the cause in a manner Gandhi inspired.^[124]

Gandhi as folk hero

Indian workers on strike in support of Gandhi in 1930.

According to Atlury Murali, Indian Congress in the 1920s appealed to Andhra Pradesh peasants by creating Telugu language plays that combined Indian mythology and legends, linked them to Gandhi's ideas, and portrayed Gandhi as a messiah, a reincarnation of ancient and medieval Indian nationalist leaders and saints. The plays built support among peasants steeped in traditional Hindu culture, according to Murali, and this effort made Gandhi a folk hero in Telugu speaking villages, a sacred messiah-like figure.^[126]

According to Dennis Dalton, it was the ideas that were responsible for his wide following. Gandhi criticised Western civilisation as one driven by "brute force and immorality", contrasting it with his categorisation of Indian civilisation as one driven by "soul force and morality".^[127] Gandhi captured the imagination of the people of his heritage with his ideas about winning "hate with love". These ideas are evidenced in his pamphlets from the 1890s, in South Africa, where too he was popular among the Indian indentured workers. After he returned to India, people flocked to him because he reflected their values.^[127]

Gandhi also campaigned hard going from one rural corner of the Indian subcontinent to another. He used terminology and phrases such as Rama-rajya from RamayanaPrahlada as a paradigmatic icon, and such cultural symbols as another facet of swaraj and satyagraha.^[128] These ideas sounded strange outside India, during his lifetime, but they readily and deeply resonated with the culture and historic values of his people.^[127][129]

Negotiations

The government, represented by Lord Irwin, decided to negotiate with Gandhi. The Gandhi–Irwin Pact was signed in March 1931. The British Government agreed to free all political prisoners, in return for the suspension of the civil disobedience movement. According to the pact, Gandhi was invited to attend the Round Table Conference in London for discussions and as the sole representative of the Indian National Congress. The conference was a disappointment to Gandhi and the nationalists. Gandhi expected to discuss India's independence, while the British side focused on the Indian princes and Indian minorities rather than on a transfer of power. Lord Irwin's successor, Lord Willingdon, took a hard line against India as an independent nation, began a new campaign of controlling and subduing the nationalist movement. Gandhi was again arrested, and the government tried and failed to negate his influence by completely isolating him from his followers.^[130]

In Britain, Winston Churchill, a prominent Conservative politician who was then out of office but later became its prime minister, became a vigorous and articulate critic of Gandhi and opponent of his long-term plans. Churchill often ridiculed Gandhi, saying in a widely reported 1931 speech:

It is alarming and also nauseating to see Mr Gandhi, a seditious Middle Temple lawyer, now posing as a fakir of a type well known in the East, striding half-naked up the steps of the Vice-regal palace....to parley on equal terms with the representative of the King-Emperor.^[131]

Churchill's bitterness against Gandhi grew in the 1930s. He called Gandhi as the one who was "seditious in aim" whose evil genius and multiform menace was attacking the British empire. Churchill called him a dictator, a "Hindu Mussolini", fomenting a race war, trying to replace the Raj with Brahmin cronies, playing on the ignorance of Indian masses, all for selfish gain.^[132] Churchill attempted to isolate Gandhi, and his criticism of Gandhi was widely covered by European and American press. It gained Churchill sympathetic support, but it also increased support for Gandhi among Europeans. The developments heightened Churchill's anxiety that the "British themselves would give up out of pacifism and misplaced conscience".^[132]

Round Table Conferences

Mahadev Desai (left) was Gandhi's personal assistant, both at Birla House, Bombay, 7 April 1939

During the discussions between Gandhi and the British government over 1931–32 at the Round Table Conferences, Gandhi, now aged about 62, sought constitutional reforms as a preparation to the end of colonial British rule, and begin the self-rule by Indians.^[133] The British side sought reforms that would keep Indian subcontinent as a colony. The British negotiators proposed constitutional reforms on a British Dominion model that established separate electorates based on religious and social divisions. The British questioned the Congress party and Gandhi's authority to speak for all of India.^[134] They invited Indian religious leaders, such as Muslims and Sikhs, to press their demands along religious lines, as well as B. R. Ambedkar as the representative leader of the untouchables.^[133] Gandhi vehemently opposed a constitution that enshrined rights or representations based on communal divisions, because he feared that it would not bring people together but divide them, perpetuate their status and divert the attention from India's struggle to end the colonial rule.^[135][136]

After Gandhi returned from the Second Round Table conference, he started a new satyagraha. He was arrested and imprisoned at the Yerwada Jail, Pune. While he was in prison, the British government enacted a new law that granted untouchables a separate electorate. It came to be known as the Communal Award.^[137] In protest, Gandhi started a fast-unto-death, while he was held in prison.^[138] The resulting public outcry forced the government, in consultations with Ambedkar, to replace the Communal Award with a compromise Poona Pact.^[139][140]

Congress politics

In 1934 Gandhi resigned from Congress party membership. He did not disagree with the party's position but felt that if he resigned, his popularity with Indians would cease to stifle the party's membership, which actually varied, including communists, socialists, trade unionists, students, religious conservatives, and those with pro-business convictions, and that these various voices would get a chance to make themselves heard. Gandhi also wanted to avoid being a target for Raj propaganda by leading a party that had temporarily accepted political accommodation with the Raj.^[141]

Gandhi returned to active politics again in 1936, with the Nehru presidency and the Lucknow session of the Congress. Although Gandhi wanted a total focus on the task of winning independence and not speculation about India's future, he did not restrain the Congress from adopting socialism as its goal. Gandhi had a clash with Subhas Chandra Bose, who had been elected president in 1938, and who had previously expressed a lack of faith in nonviolence as a means of protest.^[142] Despite Gandhi's opposition, Bose won a second term as Congress President, against Gandhi's nominee, Dr. Pattabhi Sitaramayya; but left the Congress when the All-India leaders resigned en masse in protest of his abandonment of the principles introduced by Gandhi.^[143][144] Gandhi declared that Sitaramayya's defeat was his defeat.^[145]

World War II and Quit India movement

Gandhi opposed providing any help to the British war effort and he campaigned against any Indian participation in the World War II.^[146] Gandhi's campaign did not enjoy the support of Indian masses and many Indian leaders such as Sardar Patel and Rajendra Prasad. His campaign was a failure.^[146] Over 2.5 million Indians ignored Gandhi, volunteered and joined the British military to fight on various fronts of the allied forces.^[146]

Gandhi opposition to the Indian participation in the World War II was motivated by his belief that India could not be party to a war ostensibly being fought for democratic freedom while that freedom was denied to India itself.^[147] He also condemned Nazism and Fascism, a view which won endorsement of other Indian leaders. As the war progressed, Gandhi intensified his demand for independence, calling for the British to Quit India in a 1942 speech in Mumbai.^[148] This was Gandhi's and the Congress Party's most definitive revolt aimed at securing the British exit from India.^[149] The British government responded quickly to the Quit India speech, and within hours after Gandhi's speech arrested Gandhi and all the members of the Congress Working Committee.^[150] His countrymen retaliated the arrests by damaging or burning down hundreds of government owned railway stations, police stations, and cutting down telegraph wires.^[151]

In 1942, Gandhi now nearing age 73, urged his people to completely stop co-operating with the imperial government. In this effort, he urged that they neither kill nor injure British people, but be willing to suffer and die if violence is initiated by the British officials.^[148] He clarified that the movement would not be stopped because of any individual acts of violence, saying that the "ordered anarchy" of "the present system of administration" was "worse than real anarchy."^[152][153] He urged Indians to Karo ya maro ("Do or die") in the cause of their rights and freedoms.^[148][154]

Gandhi in 1942, the year he launched Quit India movement

Gandhi's arrest lasted two years, as he was held in the Aga Khan Palace in Pune. During this period, his long time secretary Mahadev Desai died of a heart attack, his wife Kasturba died after 18 months' imprisonment on 22 February 1944; and Gandhi suffered a severe malaria attack.^[151] While in jail, he agreed to an interview with Stuart Gelder, a British journalist. Gelder then composed and released an interview summary, cabled it to the mainstream press, that announced sudden concessions Gandhi was willing to make, comments that shocked his countrymen, the Congress workers and even Gandhi. The latter two claimed that it distorted what Gandhi actually said on a range of topics and falsely repudiated the Quit India movement.^[151]

Gandhi was released before the end of the war on 6 May 1944 because of his failing health and necessary surgery; the Raj did not want him to die in prison and enrage the nation. He came out of detention to an altered political scene – the Muslim League for example, which a few years earlier had appeared marginal, "now occupied the centre of the political stage"^[155] and the topic of Muhammad Ali Jinnah's campaign for Pakistan was a major talking point. Gandhi and Jinnah had extensive correspondence and the two men met several times over a period of two weeks in September 1944, where Gandhi insisted on a united religiously plural and independent India which included Muslims and non-Muslims of the Indian subcontinent coexisting. Jinnah rejected this proposal and insisted instead for partitioning the subcontinent on religious lines to create a separate Muslim India (later Pakistan).^[10][156] These discussions continued through 1947.^[157]

While the leaders of Congress languished in jail, the other parties supported the war and gained organizational strength. Underground publications flailed at the ruthless suppression of Congress, but it had little control over events.^[158] At the end of the war, the British gave clear indications that power would be transferred to Indian hands. At this point Gandhi called off the struggle, and around 100,000 political prisoners were released, including the Congress's leadership.^[159]

Partition and independence

Gandhi opposed partition of the Indian subcontinent along religious lines.^[160] The Indian National Congress and Gandhi called for the British to Quit India. However, the Muslim League demanded "Divide and Quit India".^[161][162] Gandhi suggested an agreement which required the Congress and the Muslim League to co-operate and attain independence under a provisional government, thereafter, the question of partition could be resolved by a plebiscite in the districts with a Muslim majority.^[163]

Jinnah rejected Gandhi's proposal and called for Direct Action Day, on 16 August 1946, to press Muslims to publicly gather in cities and support his proposal for partition of Indian subcontinent into a Muslim state and non-Muslim state. Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, the Muslim League Chief Minister of Bengal – now Bangladesh and West Bengal, gave Calcutta's police special holiday to celebrate the Direct Action Day.^[164] The Direct Action Day triggered a mass murder of Calcutta Hindus and the torching of their property, and holidaying police were missing to contain or stop the conflict.^[165] The British government did not order its army to move in to contain the violence.^[164] The violence on Direct Action Day led to retaliatory violence against Muslims across India. Thousands of Hindus and Muslims were murdered, and tens of thousands were injured in the cycle of violence in the days that followed.^[166] Gandhi visited the most riot-prone areas to appeal a stop to the massacres.^[165]

Archibald Wavell, the Viceroy and Governor-General of British India for three years through February 1947, had worked with Gandhi and Jinnah to find a common ground, before and after accepting Indian independence in principle. Wavell condemned Gandhi's character and motives as well as his ideas. Wavell accused Gandhi of harbouring the single minded idea to "overthrow British rule and influence and to establish a Hindu raj", and called Gandhi a "malignant, malevolent, exceedingly shrewd" politician.^[167] Wavell feared a civil war on the Indian subcontinent, and doubted Gandhi would be able to stop it.^[167]

The British reluctantly agreed to grant independence to the people of the Indian subcontinent, but accepted Jinnah's proposal of partitioning the land into Pakistan and India. Gandhi was involved in the final negotiations, but Stanley Wolpert states the "plan to carve up British India was never approved of or accepted by Gandhi".^[168]

The partition was controversial and violently disputed. More than half a million were killed in religious riots as 10 million to 12 million non-Muslims (Hindus, Sikhs mostly) migrated from Pakistan into India, and Muslims migrated from India into Pakistan, across the newly created borders of India, West Pakistan and East Pakistan.^[169]

Gandhi spent the day of independence not celebrating the end of the British rule but appealing for peace among his countrymen by fasting and spinning in Calcutta on 15 August 1947. The partition had gripped the Indian subcontinent with religious violence and the streets were filled with corpses.^[170] Some writers credit Gandhi's fasting and protests for stopping the religious riots and communal violence. Others do not. Archibald Wavell, for example, upon learning of Gandhi's assassination, commented, "I always thought he [Gandhi] had more of malevolence than benevolence in him, but who am I to judge, and how can an Englishman estimate a Hindu?"^[167]

Assassination

At 5:17 pm on 30 January 1948, Gandhi was with his grandnieces in the garden of the former Birla House (now Gandhi Smriti), on his way to address a prayer meeting, Nathuram Godse fired three bullets from a Beretta M1934 9mm Corto pistol into his chest at point-blank range. According to some accounts, Gandhi died instantly.^[171][172] In other accounts, such as one prepared by an eyewitness journalist, Gandhi was carried into the Birla House, into a bedroom. There he died about 30 minutes later as one of Gandhi's family members read verses from Hindu scriptures.^[173]

Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru addressed his countrymen over the All-India Radio saying:^[174]

Friends and comrades, the light has gone out of our lives, and there is darkness everywhere, and I do not quite know what to tell you or how to say it. Our beloved leader, Bapu as we called him, the father of the nation, is no more. Perhaps I am wrong to say that; nevertheless, we will not see him again, as we have seen him for these many years, we will not run to him for advice or seek solace from him, and that is a terrible blow, not only for me, but for millions and millions in this country.^[175]

Memorial where Gandhi was assassinated in 1948. His stylised footsteps lead to the memorial.

Gandhi's assassin Godse made no attempt to escape and was seized by the witnesses. He was arrested. In the weeks that followed, his collaborators were arrested as well.^[176][177] Godse was a Hindu nationalist with links to the extremist Hindu Mahasabha.^[178] They were tried in court at Delhi's Red Fort. At his trial, Godse did not deny the charges nor express any remorse. According to Claude Markovits, a French historian noted for his studies of colonial India, Godse stated that he killed Gandhi because of his complacence towards Muslims, holding Gandhi responsible for the frenzy of violence and sufferings during the subcontinent's partition into Pakistan and India. Godse accused Gandhi of subjectivism and of acting as if only he had a monopoly of the truth. Godse was found guilty and executed in 1949.^[179][180]

Gandhi's funeral was marked by millions of Indians.^[181]

Gandhi's death was mourned nationwide. Over two million people joined the five-mile long funeral procession that took over five hours to reach Raj Ghat from Birla house, where he was assassinated. Gandhi's body was transported on a weapons carrier, whose chassis was dismantled overnight to allow a high-floor to be installed so that people could catch a glimpse of his body. The engine of the vehicle was not used; instead four drag-ropes manned by 50 people each pulled the vehicle.^[182] All Indian-owned establishments in London remained closed in mourning as thousands of people from all faiths and denominations and Indians from all over Britain converged at India House in London.^[183]

Gandhi's assassination dramatically changed the political landscape. Nehru became his political heir. According to Markovits, while Gandhi was alive, Pakistan's declaration that it was a "Muslim state" had led Indian groups to demand that it be declared a "Hindu state".^[179] Nehru used Gandhi's martyrdom as a political weapon to silence all advocates of Hindu nationalism as well as his political challengers. He linked Gandhi's assassination to politics of hatred and ill-will.^[179]

According to Guha, Nehru and his Congress colleagues called on Indians to honour Gandhi's memory and even more his ideals.^[184][185] Nehru used the assassination to consolidate the authority of the new Indian state. Gandhi's death helped marshal support for the new government and legitimise the Congress Party's control, leveraged by the massive outpouring of Hindu expressions of grief for a man who had inspired them for decades. The government suppressed the RSS, the Muslim National Guards, and the Khaksars, with some 200,000 arrests.^[186]

For years after the assassination, states Markovits, "Gandhi's shadow loomed large over the political life of the new Indian Republic". The government quelled any opposition to its economic and social policies, despite they being contrary to Gandhi's ideas, by reconstructing Gandhi's image and ideals.^[187]

Funeral and memorials

Gandhi was cremated in accordance with Hindu tradition. Gandhi's ashes were poured into urns which were sent across India for memorial services.^[188] Most of the ashes were immersed at the Sangam at Allahabad on 12 February 1948, but some were secretly taken away. In 1997, Tushar Gandhi immersed the contents of one urn, found in a bank vault and reclaimed through the courts, at the Sangam at Allahabad.^[189][190] Some of Gandhi's ashes were scattered at the source of the Nile River near Jinja, Uganda, and a memorial plaque marks the event. On 30 January 2008, the contents of another urn were immersed at Girgaum Chowpatty. Another urn is at the palace of the Aga Khan in Pune (where Gandhi was held as a political prisoner from 1942 to 1944) and another in the Self-Realization Fellowship Lake Shrine in Los Angeles.^[189][191]

The Birla House site where Gandhi was assassinated is now a memorial called Gandhi Smriti. The place near Yamuna river where he was cremated is the Rāj Ghāt memorial in New Delhi.^[192] A black marble platform, it bears the epigraph "Hē Rāma" (Devanagari: हे ! राम or, Hey Raam). These are widely believed to be Gandhi's last words after he was shot, though the veracity of this statement has been disputed.^[193]

Principles, practices and beliefs

Gandhi's statements, letters and life have attracted much political and scholarly analysis of his principles, practices and beliefs, including what influenced him. Some writers present him as a paragon of ethical living and pacifism, while others present him as a more complex, contradictory and evolving character influenced by his culture and circumstances.^[194][195]

Influences

Gandhi grew up in a Hindu and Jain religious atmosphere in his native Gujarat, which were his primary influences, but he was also influenced by his personal reflections and literature of Hindu Bhakti saints, Advaita Vedanta, Islam, Buddhism, Christianity, and thinkers such as Tolstoy, Ruskin and Thoreau.^[196][197] At age 57 he declared himself to be Advaitist Hindu in his religious persuasion, but added that he supported Dvaitist viewpoints and religious pluralism.^{[198][199][200]}

Gandhi was influenced by his devout Vaishnava Hindu mother, the regional Hindu temples and saint tradition which co-existed with Jain tradition in Gujarat.^[196][201] Historian R.B. Cribb states that Gandhi's thought evolved over time, with his early ideas becoming the core or scaffolding for his mature philosophy. He committed himself early to truthfulness, temperance, chastity, and vegetarianism.^[202]

Gandhi's London lifestyle incorporated the values he had grown up with. When he returned to India in 1891, his outlook was parochial and he could not make a living as a lawyer. This challenged his belief that practicality and morality necessarily coincided. By moving in 1893 to South Africa he found a solution to this problem and developed the central concepts of his mature philosophy.^[203]

According to Bhikhu Parekh, three books that influenced Gandhi most in South Africa were William Salter's Ethical Religion (1889); Henry David Thoreau's On the Duty of Civil Disobedience (1849); and Leo Tolstoy's The Kingdom of God Is Within You (1894). Ruskin inspired his decision to live an austere life on a commune, at first on the Phoenix Farm in Natal and then on the Tolstoy Farm just outside Johannesburg, South Africa.^[55] The most profound influence on Gandhi were those from Hinduism, Christianity and Jainism, states Parekh, with his thoughts "in harmony with the classical Indian traditions, specially the Advaita or monistic tradition".^[204]

According to Indira Carr and others, Gandhi was influenced by Vaishnavism, Jainism and Advaita Vedanta.^[205][206] Balkrishna Gokhale states that Gandhi was influenced by Hinduism and Jainism, and his studies of Sermon on the Mount of Christianity, Ruskin and Tolstoy.^[207]

Additional theories of possible influences on Gandhi have been proposed. For example, in 1935, N. A. Toothi stated that Gandhi was influenced by the reforms and teachings of the Swaminarayan tradition of Hinduism. According to Raymond Williams, Toothi may have overlooked the influence of the Jain community, and adds close parallels do exist in programs of social reform in the Swaminarayan tradition and those of Gandhi, based on "nonviolence, truth-telling, cleanliness, temperance and upliftment of the masses."^[208][209] Historian Howard states the culture of Gujarat influenced Gandhi and his methods.^[210]

Tolstoy

Mohandas K. Gandhi and other residents of Tolstoy Farm, South Africa, 1910

Along with the book mentioned above, in 1908 Leo Tolstoy wrote A Letter to a Hindu, which said that only by using love as a weapon through passive resistance could the Indian people overthrow colonial rule. In 1909, Gandhi wrote to Tolstoy seeking advice and permission to republish A Letter to a Hindu in Gujarati. Tolstoy responded and the two continued a correspondence until Tolstoy's death in 1910 (Tolstoy's last letter was to Gandhi).^[211] The letters concern practical and theological applications of nonviolence.^[212] Gandhi saw himself a disciple of Tolstoy, for they agreed regarding opposition to state authority and colonialism; both hated violence and preached non-resistance. However, they differed sharply on political strategy. Gandhi called for political involvement; he was a nationalist and was prepared to use nonviolent force. He was also willing to compromise.^[213] It was at Tolstoy Farm where Gandhi and Hermann Kallenbach systematically trained their disciples in the philosophy of nonviolence.^[214]

Shrimad Rajchandra

Gandhi credited Shrimad Rajchandra, a poet and Jain philosopher, as his influential counsellor. In Modern ReviewJune 1930, Gandhi wrote about their first encounter in 1891 at Dr. P.J. Mehta's residence in Bombay. Gandhi exchanged letters with Rajchandra when he was in South Africa, referring to him as Kavi (literally, "poet"). In 1930, Gandhi wrote, "Such was the man who captivated my heart in religious matters as no other man ever has till now."^[215] 'I have said elsewhere that in moulding my inner life Tolstoy and Ruskin vied with Kavi. But Kavi's influence was undoubtedly deeper if only because I had come in closest personal touch with him.'^[216]

Gandhi, in his autobiography, called Rajchandra his "guide and helper" and his "refuge [...] in moments of spiritual crisis". He had advised Gandhi to be patient and to study Hinduism deeply.^{[217][218][219]}

Religious texts

During his stay in South Africa, along with scriptures and philosophical texts of Hinduism and other Indian religions, Gandhi read translated texts of Christianity such as the Bible, and Islam such as the Quran.^[220] A Quaker mission in South Africa attempted to convert him to Christianity. Gandhi joined them in their prayers and debated Christian theology with them, but refused conversion stating he did not accept the theology therein or that Christ was the only son of God.^{[220][221][222]}

His comparative studies of religions and interaction with scholars, led him to respect all religions as well as become concerned about imperfections in all of them and frequent misinterpretations.^[220] Gandhi grew fond of Hinduism, and referred to the Bhagavad Gita as his spiritual dictionary and greatest single influence on his life.^{[220][223][224]}

On wars and nonviolence

Support for Wars

Gandhi participated in South African war against the Boers, on the British side in 1899.^[225] Both the Dutch settlers called Boers and the imperial British at that time discriminated against the coloured races they considered as inferior, and Gandhi later wrote about his conflicted beliefs during the Boer war. He stated that "when the war was declared, my personal sympathies were all with the Boers, but my loyalty to the British rule drove me to participation with the British in that war". According to Gandhi, he felt that since he was demanding his rights as a British citizen, it was also his duty to serve the British forces in the defence of the British Empire.^[226][227]

During World War I (1914–1918), nearing the age of 50, Gandhi supported the British and its allied forces by recruiting Indians to join the British army, expanding the Indian contingent from about 100,000 to over 1.1 million.^[93][225] He encouraged his people to fight on one side of the war in Europe and Africa at the cost of their lives.^[225] Pacifists criticised and questioned Gandhi, who defended these practices by stating, according to Sankar Ghose, "it would be madness for me to sever my connection with the society to which I belong".^[225] According to Keith Robbins, the recruitment effort was in part motivated by the British promise to reciprocate the help with swaraj (self-government) to Indians after the end of World War I.^[92] After the war, the British government offered minor reforms instead, which disappointed Gandhi.^[93] He launched his satyagraha movement in 1919. In parallel, Gandhi's fellowmen became sceptical of his pacifist ideas and were inspired by the ideas of nationalism and anti-imperialism.^[228]

In a 1920 essay, after the World War I, Gandhi wrote, "where there is only a choice between cowardice and violence, I would advise violence." Rahul Sagar interprets Gandhi's efforts to recruit for the British military during the War, as Gandhi's belief that, at that time, it would demonstrate that Indians were willing to fight. Further, it would also show the British that his fellow Indians were "their subjects by choice rather than out of cowardice." In 1922, Gandhi wrote that abstinence from violence is effective and true forgiveness only when one has the power to punish, not when one decides not to do anything because one is helpless.^[229]

After World War II engulfed Britain, Gandhi actively campaigned to oppose any help to the British war effort and any Indian participation in the war. According to Arthur Herman, Gandhi believed that his campaign would strike a blow to imperialism.^[146] Gandhi's position was not supported by many Indian leaders, and his campaign against the British war effort was a failure. The Hindu leader, Tej Bahadur Sapru declared in 1941, states Herman, "A good many Congress leaders are fed up with the barren program of the Mahatma".^[146] Over 2.5 million Indians ignored Gandhi, volunteered and joined on the British side. They fought and died as a part of the allied forces in Europe, North Africa and various fronts of the World War II.^[146]

Truth and Satyagraha

Plaque displaying one of Gandhi's quotes on rumour

Gandhi dedicated his life to discovering and pursuing truth, or Satyaand called his movement as satyagrahawhich means "appeal to, insistence on, or reliance on the Truth".^[230] The first formulation of the satyagraha as a political movement and principle occurred in 1920, which he tabled as "Resolution on Non-cooperation" in September that year before a session of the Indian Congress. It was the satyagraha formulation and step, states Dennis Dalton, that deeply resonated with beliefs and culture of his people, embedded him into the popular consciousness, transforming him quickly into Mahatma.^[231]

"God is truth. The way to truth lies through ahimsa (nonviolence)" — Sabarmati, 13 March 1927

Gandhi based Satyagraha on the Vedantic ideal of self-realization, ahimsa (nonviolence), vegetarianism, and universal love. William Borman states that the key to his satyagraha is rooted in the Hindu Upanishadic texts.^[232] According to Indira Carr, Gandhi's ideas on ahimsa and satyagraha were founded on the philosophical foundations of Advaita Vedanta.^[233] I. Bruce Watson states that some of these ideas are found not only in traditions within Hinduism, but also in Jainism or Buddhism, particularly those about non-violence, vegetarianism and universal love, but Gandhi's synthesis was to politicise these ideas.^[234] Gandhi's concept of satya as a civil movement, states Glyn Richards, are best understood in the context of the Hindu terminology of Dharma and Ṛta.^[235]

Gandhi stated that the most important battle to fight was overcoming his own demons, fears, and insecurities. Gandhi summarised his beliefs first when he said "God is Truth". He would later change this statement to "Truth is God". Thus, satya (truth) in Gandhi's philosophy is "God".^[236] Gandhi, states Richards, described the term "God" not as a separate power, but as the Being (Brahman, Atman) of the Advaita Vedanta tradition, a nondual universal that pervades in all things, in each person and all life.^[235] According to Nicholas Gier, this to Gandhi meant the unity of God and humans, that all beings have the same one soul and therefore equality, that atman exists and is same as everything in the universe, ahimsa (non-violence) is the very nature of this atman.^[237]

Gandhi picking salt during Salt Satyagraha to defy colonial law giving salt collection monopoly to the British.^[238] His satyagraha attracted vast numbers of Indian men and women.^[239]

The essence of Satyagraha is "soul force" as a political means, refusing to use brute force against the oppressor, seeking to eliminate antagonisms between the oppressor and the oppressed, aiming to transform or "purify" the oppressor. It is not inaction but determined passive resistance and non-co-operation where, states Arthur Herman, "love conquers hate".^[240] A euphemism sometimes used for Satyagraha is that it is a "silent force" or a "soul force" (a term also used by Martin Luther King Jr. during his famous "I Have a Dream" speech). It arms the individual with moral power rather than physical power. Satyagraha is also termed a "universal force", as it essentially "makes no distinction between kinsmen and strangers, young and old, man and woman, friend and foe."^[241]

Gandhi wrote: "There must be no impatience, no barbarity, no insolence, no undue pressure. If we want to cultivate a true spirit of democracy, we cannot afford to be intolerant. Intolerance betrays want of faith in one's cause."^[242]Civil disobedience and non-co-operation as practised under Satyagraha are based on the "law of suffering",^[243] a doctrine that the endurance of suffering is a means to an end. This end usually implies a moral upliftment or progress of an individual or society. Therefore, non-co-operation in Satyagraha is in fact a means to secure the co-operation of the opponent consistently with truth and justice.^[244]

While Gandhi's idea of satyagraha as a political means attracted a widespread following among Indians, the support was not universal. For example, Muslim leaders such as Jinnah opposed the satyagraha idea, accused Gandhi to be reviving Hinduism through political activism, and began effort to counter Gandhi with Muslim nationalism and a demand for Muslim homeland.^{[245][246][247]} The untouchability leader Ambedkar, in June 1945, after his decision to convert to Buddhism and a key architect of the Constitution of modern India, dismissed Gandhi's ideas as loved by "blind Hindu devotees", primitive, influenced by spurious brew of Tolstoy and Ruskin, and "there is always some simpleton to preach them".^[248][249]Winston Churchill caricatured Gandhi as a "cunning huckster" seeking selfish gain, an "aspiring dictator", and an "atavistic spokesman of a pagan Hinduism". Churchill stated that the civil disobedience movement spectacle of Gandhi only increased "the danger to which white people there [British India] are exposed".^[250]

Nonviolence

Gandhi with textile workers at Darwen, Lancashire, 26 September 1931

Although Gandhi was not the originator of the principle of nonviolence, he was the first to apply it in the political field on a large scale.^[251] The concept of nonviolence (ahimsa) has a long history in Indian religious thought, with it being considered the highest dharma (ethical value virtue), a precept to be observed towards all living beings (sarvbhuta), at all times (sarvada), in all respects (sarvatha), in action, words and thought.^[252] Gandhi explains his philosophy and ideas about ahimsa as a political means in his autobiography The Story of My Experiments with Truth.^{[253][254][255]}

Gandhi was criticised for refusing to protest the hanging of Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev, Udham Singh and Rajguru.^[256][257] He was accused of accepting a deal with the King's representative Irwin that released civil disobedience leaders from prison and accepted the death sentence against the highly popular revolutionary Bhagat Singh, who at his trial had replied, "Revolution is the inalienable right of mankind".^[117]

Gandhi's views came under heavy criticism in Britain when it was under attack from Nazi Germany, and later when the Holocaust was revealed. He told the British people in 1940, "I would like you to lay down the arms you have as being useless for saving you or humanity. You will invite Herr Hitler and Signor Mussolini to take what they want of the countries you call your possessions... If these gentlemen choose to occupy your homes, you will vacate them. If they do not give you free passage out, you will allow yourselves, man, woman, and child, to be slaughtered, but you will refuse to owe allegiance to them."^[258]George Orwell remarked that Gandhi's methods confronted 'an old-fashioned and rather shaky despotism which treated him in a fairly chivalrous way', not a totalitarian Power, 'where political opponents simply disappear.'^[259]

In a post-war interview in 1946, he said, "Hitler killed five million Jews. It is the greatest crime of our time. But the Jews should have offered themselves to the butcher's knife. They should have thrown themselves into the sea from cliffs... It would have aroused the world and the people of Germany... As it is they succumbed anyway in their millions."^[260] Gandhi believed this act of "collective suicide", in response to the Holocaust, "would have been heroism".^[261]

On inter-religious relations

Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs

Gandhi believed that Buddhism, Jainism and Sikhism were traditions of Hinduism, with shared history, rites and ideas. At other times, he acknowledged that he knew little about Buddhism other than his reading of Edwin Arnold's book on it. Based on that book, he considered Buddhism to be a reform movement and the Buddha to be a Hindu.^[262] He stated he knew Jainism much more, and he credited Jains to have profoundly influenced him. Sikhism, to Gandhi, was an integral part of Hinduism, in the form of another reform movement. Sikh and Buddhist leaders disagreed with Gandhi, a disagreement Gandhi respected as a difference of opinion.^[262][263]

Jews

According to Kumaraswamy, Gandhi initially supported Arab demands with respect to Palestine. He justified this support by invoking Islam, stating that "non-Muslims cannot acquire sovereign jurisdiction" in Jazirat al-Arab (the Arabian Peninsula).^[264] These arguments, states Kumaraswamy, were a part of his political strategy to win Muslim support during the Khilafat movement. In the post-Khilafat period, Gandhi neither negated Jewish demands nor did he use Islamic texts or history to support Muslim claims against Israel. Gandhi's silence after the Khilafat period may represent an evolution in his understanding of the conflicting religious claims over Palestine, according to Kumaraswamy.^[264] In 1938, Gandhi spoke in favour of Jewish claims, and in March 1946, he said to the Member of British Parliament Sidney Silverman, "if the Arabs have a claim to Palestine, the Jews have a prior claim", a position very different from his earlier stance.^[264][265]

Gandhi discussed the persecution of the Jews in Germany and the emigration of Jews from Europe to Palestine through his lens of Satyagraha.^[170][266] In 1937, Gandhi discussed Zionism with his close Jewish friend Hermann Kallenbach.^[267] He said that Zionism was not the right answer to the problems faced by Jews^[268] and instead recommended Satyagraha. Gandhi thought the Zionists in Palestine represented European imperialism and used violence to achieve their goals; he argued that "the Jews should disclaim any intention of realizing their aspiration under the protection of arms and should rely wholly on the goodwill of Arabs. No exception can possibly be taken to the natural desire of the Jews to find a home in Palestine. But they must wait for its fulfillment till Arab opinion is ripe for it."^[170]

In 1938, Gandhi stated that his "sympathies are all with the Jews. I have known them intimately in South Africa. Some of them became life-long companions." Philosopher Martin Buber was highly critical of Gandhi's approach and in 1939 wrote an open letter to him on the subject. Gandhi reiterated his stance that "the Jews seek to convert the Arab heart", and use "satyagraha in confronting the Arabs" in 1947.^[269] According to Simone Panter-Brick, Gandhi's political position on Jewish-Arab conflict evolved over the 1917-1947 period, shifting from a support for the Arab position first, and for the Jewish position in the 1940s.^[270]

Christians

Gandhi criticised as well as praised Christianity. He was critical of Christian missionary efforts in British India, because they mixed medical or education assistance with demands that the beneficiary convert to Christianity.^[271] According to Gandhi, this was not true "service" but one driven by ulterior motive of luring people into religious conversion and exploiting the economically or medically desperate. It did not lead to inner transformation or moral advance or to the Christian teaching of "love", but was based on false one-sided criticisms of other religions, when Christian societies faced similar problems in South Africa and Europe. It led to the converted person hating his neighbours and other religions, it divided people rather than bringing them closer in compassion. According to Gandhi, "no religious tradition could claim a monopoly over truth or salvation".^[271][272] Gandhi did not support laws to prohibit missionary activity, but demanded that Christians should first understand the message of Jesus, and then strive to live without stereotyping and misrepresenting other religions. According to Gandhi, the message of Jesus wasn't to humiliate and imperialistically rule over other people considering them inferior or second class or slaves, but that "when the hungry are fed and peace comes to our individual and collective life, then Christ is born".^[273]

Gandhi believed that his long acquaintance with Christianity had made him like it as well as find it imperfect. He asked Christians to stop humiliating his country and his people as heathens, idolators and other abusive language, and to change their negative views of India. He believed that Christians should introspect on the "true meaning of religion" and get a desire to study and learn from Indian religions in the spirit of universal brotherhood.^[273] According to Eric Sharpe – a professor of Religious Studies, though Gandhi was born in a Hindu family and later became Hindu by conviction, many Christians in time thought of him as an "exemplary Christian and even as a saint".^[274]

Some colonial era Christian preachers and faithfuls considered Gandhi as a saint.^{[275][276][277]} Biographers from France and Britain have drawn parallels between Gandhi and Christian saints. Recent scholars question these romantic biographies and state that Gandhi was neither a Christian figure nor mirrored a Christian saint.^[278] Gandhi's life is better viewed as exemplifying his belief in the "convergence of various spiritualities" of a Christian and a Hindu, states Michael de Saint-Cheron.^[278]

Muslims

Gandhi believed there were material contradictions between Hinduism and Islam, and he shared his thoughts on the Quran and Muslims many times.^[279] He stated in 1925, for example, that he had not criticised the teachings of the Quran, but he did criticise the interpreters of Quran. Gandhi believed that numerous interpreters have interpreted it to fit their preconceived notions.^[280] He believed Muslims should welcome criticism of Quran, because "every true scripture only gains from criticism". Gandhi criticised Muslims who "betray intolerance of criticism by a non-Muslim of anything related to Islam", such as the penalty of stoning to death under Islamic law. To Gandhi, Islam has "nothing to fear from criticism even if it be unreasonable".^[281][279] According to him, Islam like communism was too quick in resorting to violence.^[282]

One of the strategies Gandhi adopted was to work with Muslim leaders of pre-partition India, to oppose the British imperialism in and outside the Indian subcontinent.^[96][97] After the World War I, in 1919–22, he won Muslim leadership support of Ali Brothers by backing the Khilafat Movement in favour the Islamic Caliph and his historic Ottoman Caliphate, and opposing the secular Islam supporting Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. By 1924, Ataturk had ended the Caliphate, the Khilafat Movement was over, and Muslim support for Gandhi had largely evaporated.^{[96][283][97]}

In 1925, Gandhi gave another reason to why he got involved in the Khilafat movement and the Middle East affairs between Britain and the Ottoman Empire. Gandhi explained to his co-religionists (Hindu) that he sympathised and campaigned for the Islamic cause, not because he cared for the Sultan, but because "I wanted to enlist the Mussalman's sympathy in the matter of cow protection".^[284] According to the historian M. Naeem Qureshi, like the then Indian Muslim leaders who had combined religion and politics, Gandhi too imported his religion into his political strategy during the Khilafat movement.^[285]

In the 1940s, Gandhi pooled ideas with some Muslim leaders who sought religious harmony like him, and opposed the proposed partition of British India into India and Pakistan. For example, his close friend Badshah Khan suggested that they should work towards opening Hindu temples for Muslim prayers, and Islamic mosques for Hindu prayers, to bring the two religious groups closer.^[286] Gandhi accepted this and began having Muslim prayers read in Hindu temples to play his part, but was unable to get Hindu prayers read in mosques. The Hindu nationalist groups objected and began confronting Gandhi for this one-sided practice, by shouting and demonstrating inside the Hindu temples, in the last years of his life.^{[287][180][288]}

Sufism

Gandhi was acquainted with the Sufi Islam's Chishti Order, which he discovered during his stay in South Africa. He attended Khanqah gatherings there at Riverside. According to Margaret Chatterjee, Gandhi as a Vaishnava Hindu shared values such as humility, devotion and brotherhood for the poor that is also found in Sufism.^[289][290]

On life, society and other application of his ideas

Vegetarianism, food, and animals

Gandhi was brought up as a vegetarian by his devout Hindu mother.^[291][292] The idea of vegetarianism is deeply ingrained in Hindu Vaishnavism and Jain traditions in India, such as in his native Gujarat, where meat is considered as a form of food obtained by violence to animals.^[293][294] Gandhi's rationale for vegetarianism was largely along those found in Hindu and Jain texts. Gandhi believed that any form of food inescapably harms some form of living organism, but one should seek to understand and reduce the violence in what one consumes because "there is essential unity of all life".^[292][295]

Gandhi believed that some life forms are more capable of suffering, and non-violence to him meant not having the intent as well as active efforts to minimise hurt, injury or suffering to all life forms.^[295] Gandhi explored food sources that reduced violence to various life forms in the food chain. He believed that slaughtering animals is unnecessary, as other sources of foods are available.^[293] He also consulted with vegetarianism campaigners during his lifetime, such as with Henry Stephens Salt. Food to Gandhi was not only a source of sustaining one's body, but a source of his impact on other living beings, and one that affected his mind, character and spiritual well being.^{[296][297][298]} He avoided not only meat, but also eggs and milk. Gandhi wrote the book The Moral Basis of Vegetarianism and wrote for the London Vegetarian Society's publication.^[299]

Beyond his religious beliefs, Gandhi stated another motivation for his experiments with diet. He attempted to find the most non-violent vegetarian meal that the poorest human could afford, taking meticulous notes on vegetables and fruits, and his observations with his own body and his ashram in Gujarat.^[300][301] He tried fresh and dry fruits (Fruitarianism), then just sun dried fruits, before resuming his prior vegetarian diet on advice of his doctor and concerns of his friends. His experiments with food began in the 1890s and continued for several decades.^[300][301] For some of these experiments, Gandhi combined his own ideas with those found on diet in Indian yoga texts. He believed that each vegetarian should experiment with his or her diet because, in his studies at his ashram he saw "one man's food may be poison for another".^[302][303]

Gandhi championed animal rights in general. Other than making vegetarian choices, he actively campaigned against dissection studies and experimentation on live animals (vivisection) in the name of science and medical studies.^[293] He considered it a violence against animals, something that inflicted pain and suffering. He wrote, "Vivisection in my opinion is the blackest of all the blackest crimes that man is at present committing against god and his fair creation."^[304]

Fasting

Gandhi's last political protest using fasting, in January 1948

Gandhi used fasting as a political device, often threatening suicide unless demands were met. Congress publicised the fasts as a political action that generated widespread sympathy. In response the government tried to manipulate news coverage to minimise his challenge to the Raj. He fasted in 1932 to protest the voting scheme for separate political representation for Dalits; Gandhi did not want them segregated. The British government stopped the London press from showing photographs of his emaciated body, because it would elicit sympathy. Gandhi's 1943 hunger strike took place during a two-year prison term for the anticolonial Quit India movement. The government called on nutritional experts to demystify his action, and again no photos were allowed. However, his final fast in 1948, after the end of British rule in India, his hunger strike was lauded by the British press and this time did include full-length photos.^[305]

Alter states that Gandhi's fasting, vegetarianism and diet was more than a political leverage, it was a part of his experiments with self restraint and healthy living. He was "profoundly skeptical of traditional Ayurveda", encouraging it to study the scientific method and adopt its progressive learning approach. Gandhi believed yoga offered health benefits. He believed that a healthy nutritional diet based on regional foods and hygiene were essential to good health.^[306]

Women

Gandhi strongly favoured the emancipation of women, and urged "the women to fight for their own self-development." He opposed purdahchild marriage, dowry and sati.^[307] A wife is not a slave of the husband, stated Gandhi, but his comrade, better half, colleague and friend, according to Lyn Norvell.^[307] In his own life however, according to Suruchi Thapar-Bjorkert, Gandhi's relationship with his wife were at odds with some of these values.^[125]

At various occasions, Gandhi credited his orthodox Hindu mother, and his wife, for first lessons in satyagraha.^[308] He used the legends of Hindu goddess Sita to expound women's innate strength, autonomy and "lioness in spirit" whose moral compass can make any demon "as helpless as a goat".^[308] To Gandhi, the women of India were an important part of the "swadeshi movement" (Buy Indian), and his goal of decolonising the Indian economy.^[308]

Some historians such as Angela Woollacott and Kumari Jayawardena state that even though Gandhi often and publicly expressed his belief in the equality of sexes, yet his vision was one of gender difference and complementarity between them. Women, to Gandhi, should be educated to be better in the domestic realm and educate the next generation. His views on women's right were less liberal and more similar to puritan-Victorian expectations of women, states Jayawardena, than other Hindu leaders with him who supported economic independence and equal gender rights in all aspects.^[309][310]

Brahmacharya: abstinence from sex and food

Along with many other texts, Gandhi studied Bhagavad Gita while in South Africa.^[311] This Hindu scripture discusses jnana yoga, bhakti yoga and karma yoga along with virtues such as non-violence, patience, integrity, lack of hypocrisy, self restraint and abstinence.^[312] Gandhi began experiments with these, and in 1906 at age 37, although married and a father, he vowed to abstain from sexual relations.^[311]

Gandhi's experiment with abstinence went beyond sex, and extended to food. He consulted the Jain scholar Rajchandra, whom he fondly called Raychandbhai.^[313] Rajchandra advised him that milk stimulated sexual passion. Gandhi began abstaining from cow's milk in 1912, and did so even when doctors advised him to consume milk.^[218][314] According to Sankar Ghose, Tagore described Gandhi as someone who did not abhor sex or women, but considered sexual life as inconsistent with his moral goals.^[315]

Gandhi tried to test and prove to himself his brahmacharya. The experiments began some time after the death of his wife in February 1944. At the start of his experiment he had women sleep in the same room but in different beds. He later slept with women in the same bed but clothed, and finally he slept naked with women. In April 1945, Gandhi referenced being naked with several "women or girls" in a letter to Birla as part of the experiments.^[316] According to the 1960s memoir of his grandniece Manu, Gandhi feared in early 1947 that he and she may be killed by Muslims in the run up to India's independence in August 1947, and asked her when she was 18-year-old if she wanted to help him with his experiments to test their "purity", for which she readily accepted.^[317] Gandhi slept naked in the same bed with Manu with the bedroom doors open all night. Manu stated that the experiment had no "ill effect" on her. Gandhi also shared his bed with 18-year-old Abha, wife of his grandnephew Kanu. Gandhi would sleep with both Manu and Abha at the same time.^[317][318] None of the women who participated in the brahmachari experiments of Gandhi indicated that they had sex or that Gandhi behaved in any sexual way. Those who went public said they felt as though they were sleeping with their ageing mother.^{[315][316][319]}

According to Sean Scalmer, Gandhi in his final year of life was an ascetic, looked ugly and a sickly skeletal figure, already caricatured in the Western media.^[320] In February 1947, he asked his confidants such as Birla and Ramakrishna if it was wrong for him to experiment his brahmacharya oath.^[315] Gandhi's public experiments, as they progressed, were widely discussed and criticised by his family members and leading politicians. However, Gandhi said that if he would not let Manu sleep with him, it would be a sign of weakness. Some of his staff resigned, including two of his newspaper's editors who had refused to print some of Gandhi's sermons dealing with his experiments.^[317] Nirmalkumar Bose, Gandhi's Bengali interpreter, for example criticised Gandhi, not because Gandhi did anything wrong, but because Bose was concerned about the psychological effect on the women who participated in his experiments.^[318] Veena Howard states Gandhi's views on brahmacharya and religious renunciation experiments were a method to confront women issues in his times.^[321]

Untouchability and castes

Gandhi spoke out against untouchability early in his life.^[322] Before 1932, he and his colleagues used the term Antyaja for untouchables. One of the major speeches he made on untouchability was at Nagpur in 1920, where he called untouchability as a great evil in Hindu society. In his remarks, he stated that the phenomena of untouchability is not unique to the Hindu society, but has deeper roots because Europeans in South Africa treat "all of us, Hindus and Muslims, as untouchables; we may not reside in their midst, nor enjoy the rights which they do".^[323] He called it intolerable. He stated this practice can be eradicated, Hinduism is flexible to allow this, and a concerted effort is needed to persuade it is wrong and by all to eradicate it.^[323]

According to Christophe Jaffrelot, while Gandhi considered untouchability to be wrong and evil, he believed that caste or class are based neither on inequality nor on inferiority.^[322] Gandhi believed that individuals should freely intermarry whoever they want to, but no one should expect everyone to befriend them. Every individual regardless of his or her background, stated Gandhi, has a right to choose who they welcome into their home, who they befriend and who they spend time with.^[322][323]

In 1932, Gandhi began a new campaign to improve the lives of the untouchables, whom he started referring to as Harijans or "the children of god".^[324] On 8 May 1933, Gandhi began a 21-day fast of self-purification and launched a one-year campaign to help the Harijan movement.^[325] This new campaign was not universally embraced within the Dalit community. Ambedkar and his allies felt Gandhi was being paternalistic and was undermining Dalit political rights. Ambedkar described him as "devious and untrustworthy".^[326] He accused Gandhi as someone who wished to retain the caste system.^[138] Ambedkar and Gandhi debated their ideas and concerns, where both tried to persuade each other.^[327][328]

In 1935, Ambedkar announced his intentions to leave Hinduism and join Buddhism.^[138] According to Sankar Ghose, the announcement shook Gandhi, who reappraised his views and wrote many essays with his views on castes, inter-marriage and what Hinduism says on the subject. These views contrasted with those of Ambedkar.^[329] In actual elections of 1937, except for some seats in Mumbai where Ambedkar's party won, India's untouchables voted heavily in favour of Gandhi's campaign and his party, the Congress.^[330]

Gandhi and his colleagues continued to consult Ambedkar, keeping him influential. Ambedkar worked with other Congress leaders through the 1940s, wrote large parts of India's constitution in the late 1940s, and converted to Buddhism in 1956.^[138] According to Jaffrelot, Gandhi's views evolved between the 1920s and 1940s, when in 1946 he actively encouraged inter-marriage across castes. However, Gandhi's approach to untouchability was different than Ambedkar because Gandhi championed fusion, choice and free intermixing. Ambedkar, in contrast states Jeffrelot, envisioned each segment of society to maintain their identity group, and each group then separately advanced the "politics of equality".^[322]

The criticism of Gandhi by Ambedkar continued to influence the Dalit movement past Gandhi's death. According to Arthur Herman, Ambedkar's hate for Gandhi and Gandhi's ideas was so strong that after he heard the news of Gandhi's assassination, remarked after a momentary silence a sense of regret and then "my real enemy is gone; thank goodness the eclipse is over now".^[248][331] According to Ramachandra Guha, "ideologues have carried these old rivalries into the present, with the demonization of Gandhi now common among politicians who presume to speak in Ambedkar's name."^[332]

Nai Talim, basic education

Gandhi rejected the colonial Western format of education system. He stated that it led to disdain for manual work, generally created an elite administrative bureaucracy. Gandhi favoured an education system with far greater emphasis on learning skills in practical and useful work, one that included physical, mental and spiritual studies. His methodology sought to treat all professions equal and pay everyone the same.^[333][334]

Gandhi called his ideas Nai Talim (literally, 'new education'). He believed that the Western style education violated and destroyed the indigenous cultures. A different basic education model, he believed, would lead to better self awareness, prepare people to treat all work equally respectable and valued, and lead to a society with less social diseases.^[335][336]

Nai Talim evolved out of his experiences at the Tolstoy Farm in South Africa, and Gandhi attempted to formulate the new system at the Sevagram ashram after 1937.^[334] Nehru government's vision of an industrialised, centrally planned economy after 1947 had scant place for Gandhi's village-oriented approach.^[337]

In his autobiography, Gandhi wrote that he believed every Hindu boy and girl must learn Sanskrit because its historic and spiritual texts are in that language.^[39]

Swaraj, self-rule

Gandhi believed that swaraj not only can be attained with non-violence, it can be run with non-violence. A military is unnecessary, because any aggressor can be thrown out using the method of non-violent non-co-operation. While military is unnecessary in a nation organised under swaraj principle, Gandhi added that a police force is necessary given human nature. However, the state would limit the use of weapons by the police to the minimum, aiming for their use as a restraining force.^[338]

According to Gandhi, a non-violent state is like an "ordered anarchy".^[338] In a society of mostly non-violent individuals, those who are violent will sooner or later accept discipline or leave the community, stated Gandhi.^[338] He emphasised a society where individuals believed more in learning about their duties and responsibilities, not demanded rights and privileges. On returning from South Africa, when Gandhi received a letter asking for his participation in writing a world charter for human rights, he responded saying, "in my experience, it is far more important to have a charter for human duties."^[339]

Swaraj to Gandhi did not mean transferring colonial era British power brokering system, favours-driven, bureaucratic, class exploitative structure and mindset into Indian hands. He warned such a transfer would still be English rule, just without the Englishman. "This is not the Swaraj I want", said Gandhi.^[340][341] Tewari states that Gandhi saw democracy as more than a system of government; it meant promoting both individuality and the self-discipline of the community. Democracy meant settling disputes in a nonviolent manner; it required freedom of thought and expression. For Gandhi, democracy was a way of life.^[342]

Hindu nationalism and revivalism

Some scholars state Gandhi supported a religiously diverse India,^[343] while others state that the Muslim leaders who championed the partition and creation of a separate Muslim Pakistan considered Gandhi to be Hindu nationalist or revivalist.^[344][345] For example, in his letters to Mohammad Iqbal, Jinnah accused Gandhi to be favouring a Hindu rule and revivalism, that Gandhi led Indian National Congress was a fascist party.^[346]

In an interview with C.F. Andrews, Gandhi stated that if we believe all religions teach the same message of love and peace between all human beings, then there is neither any rationale nor need for proselytisation or attempts to convert people from one religion to another.^[347] Gandhi opposed missionary organisations who criticised Indian religions then attempted to convert followers of Indian religions to Islam or Christianity. In Gandhi's view, those who attempt to convert a Hindu, "they must harbour in their breasts the belief that Hinduism is an error" and that their own religion is "the only true religion".^[347][348] Gandhi believed that people who demand religious respect and rights must also show the same respect and grant the same rights to followers of other religions. He stated that spiritual studies must encourage "a Hindu to become a better Hindu, a Mussalman to become a better Mussalman, and a Christian a better Christian."^[347]

According to Gandhi, religion is not about what a man believes, it is about how a man lives, how he relates to other people, his conduct towards others, and one's relationship to one's conception of god.^[349] It is not important to convert or to join any religion, but it is important to improve one's way of life and conduct by absorbing ideas from any source and any religion, believed Gandhi.^[349]

Gandhian economics

Gandhi believed in sarvodaya economic model, which literally means "welfare, upliftment of all".^[350] This, states Bhatt, was a very different economic model than the socialism model championed and followed by free India by Nehru – India's first prime minister. To both, according to Bhatt, removing poverty and unemployment were the objective, but the Gandhian economic and development approach preferred adapting technology and infrastructure to suit the local situation, in contrast to Nehru's large scale, socialised state owned enterprises.^[351]

To Gandhi, the economic philosophy that aims at "greatest good for the greatest number" was fundamentally flawed, and his alternative proposal sarvodaya set its aim at the "greatest good for all". He believed that the best economic system not only cared to lift the "poor, less skilled, of impoverished background" but also empowered to lift the "rich, highly skilled, of capital means and landlords". Violence against any human being, born poor or rich, is wrong, believed Gandhi.^[350][352] He stated that the mandate theory of majoritarian democracy should not be pushed to absurd extremes, individual freedoms should never be denied, and no person should ever be made a social or economic slave to the "resolutions of majorities".^[353]

Gandhi challenged Nehru and the modernizers in the late 1930s who called for rapid industrialisation on the Soviet model; Gandhi denounced that as dehumanising and contrary to the needs of the villages where the great majority of the people lived.^[354] After Gandhi's assassination, Nehru led India in accordance with his personal socialist convictions.^[355][356] Historian Kuruvilla Pandikattu says "it was Nehru's vision, not Gandhi's, that was eventually preferred by the Indian State."^[357]

Gandhi called for ending poverty through improved agriculture and small-scale cottage rural industries.^[358] Gandhi's economic thinking disagreed with Marx, according to the political theory scholar and economist Bhikhu Parekh. Gandhi refused to endorse the view that economic forces are best understood as "antagonistic class interests".^[359] He argued that no man can degrade or brutalise the other without degrading and brutalising himself and that sustainable economic growth comes from service, not from exploitation. Further, believed Gandhi, in a free nation, victims exist only when they co-operate with their oppressor, and an economic and political system that offered increasing alternatives gave power of choice to the poorest man.^[359]

While disagreeing with Nehru about the socialist economic model, Gandhi also critiqued capitalism that was driven by endless wants and a materialistic view of man. This, he believed, created a vicious vested system of materialism at the cost of other human needs such as spirituality and social relationships.^[359] To Gandhi, states Parekh, both communism and capitalism were wrong, in part because both focussed exclusively on materialistic view of man, and because the former deified the state with unlimited power of violence, while the latter deified capital. He believed that a better economic system is one which does not impoverish one's culture and spiritual pursuits.^[360]

Gandhism

Gandhism designates the ideas and principles Gandhi promoted; of central importance is nonviolent resistance. A Gandhian can mean either an individual who follows, or a specific philosophy which is attributed to, Gandhism.^[88] M. M. Sankhdher argues that Gandhism is not a systematic position in metaphysics or in political philosophy. Rather, it is a political creed, an economic doctrine, a religious outlook, a moral precept, and especially, a humanitarian world view. It is an effort not to systematise wisdom but to transform society and is based on an undying faith in the goodness of human nature.^[361] However Gandhi himself did not approve of the notion of "Gandhism", as he explained in 1936:

There is no such thing as "Gandhism", and I do not want to leave any sect after me. I do not claim to have originated any new principle or doctrine. I have simply tried in my own way to apply the eternal truths to our daily life and problems...The opinions I have formed and the conclusions I have arrived at are not final. I may change them tomorrow. I have nothing new to teach the world. Truth and nonviolence are as old as the hills.^[362]

Literary works

Young Indiaa weekly journal published by Gandhi from 1919 to 1932

Gandhi was a prolific writer. One of Gandhi's earliest publications, Hind Swarajpublished in Gujarati in 1909, became "the intellectual blueprint" for India's independence movement. The book was translated into English the next year, with a copyright legend that read "No Rights Reserved".^[363] For decades he edited several newspapers including Harijan in Gujarati, in Hindi and in the English language; Indian Opinion while in South Africa and, Young Indiain English, and Navajivan, a Gujarati monthly, on his return to India. Later, Navajivan was also published in Hindi. In addition, he wrote letters almost every day to individuals and newspapers.^[364]

Gandhi also wrote several books including his autobiography, The Story of My Experiments with Truth (Gujarātī "સત્યના પ્રયોગો અથવા આત્મકથા")of which he bought the entire first edition to make sure it was reprinted.^[326] His other autobiographies included: Satyagraha in South Africa about his struggle there, Hind Swaraj or Indian Home Rulea political pamphlet, and a paraphrase in Gujarati of John Ruskin's Unto This Last.^[365] This last essay can be considered his programme on economics. He also wrote extensively on vegetarianism, diet and health, religion, social reforms, etc. Gandhi usually wrote in Gujarati, though he also revised the Hindi and English translations of his books.^[366]

Gandhi's complete works were published by the Indian government under the name The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi in the 1960s. The writings comprise about 50,000 pages published in about a hundred volumes. In 2000, a revised edition of the complete works sparked a controversy, as it contained a large number of errors and omissions.^[367] The Indian government later withdrew the revised edition.^[368]

Legacy and depictions in popular culture

• The word Mahatmawhile often mistaken for Gandhi's given name in the West, is taken from the Sanskrit words maha (meaning Great) and atma (meaning Soul). Rabindranath Tagore is said to have accorded the title to Gandhi.^[369] In his autobiography, Gandhi nevertheless explains that he never valued the title, and was often pained by it.^{[370][371][372]}


• Innumerable streets, roads and localities in India are named after M.K.Gandhi. These include M.G.Road (the main street of a number of Indian cities including Mumbai and Bangalore), Gandhi Market (near Sion, Mumbai) and Gandhinagar (the capital of the state of Gujarat, Gandhi's birthplace).^[373]

Followers and international influence

Mahatma Gandhi at Praça Túlio Fontoura, São Paulo, Brazil. Statue by Gautam Pal

Gandhi influenced important leaders and political movements. Leaders of the civil rights movement in the United States, including Martin Luther King Jr., James Lawson, and James Bevel, drew from the writings of Gandhi in the development of their own theories about nonviolence.^{[374][375][376]} King said "Christ gave us the goals and Mahatma Gandhi the tactics."^[377] King sometimes referred to Gandhi as "the little brown saint."^[378] Anti-apartheid activist and former President of South Africa, Nelson Mandela, was inspired by Gandhi.^[379] Others include Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan,^[380]Steve Biko, and Aung San Suu Kyi.^[381]

In his early years, the former President of South Africa Nelson Mandela was a follower of the nonviolent resistance philosophy of Gandhi.^[379] Bhana and Vahed commented on these events as "Gandhi inspired succeeding generations of South African activists seeking to end White rule. This legacy connects him to Nelson Mandela...in a sense Mandela completed what Gandhi started."^[382]

Gandhi's life and teachings inspired many who specifically referred to Gandhi as their mentor or who dedicated their lives to spreading Gandhi's ideas. In Europe, Romain Rolland was the first to discuss Gandhi in his 1924 book Mahatma Gandhi, and Brazilian anarchist and feminist Maria Lacerda de Moura wrote about Gandhi in her work on pacifism. In 1931, notable European physicist Albert Einstein exchanged written letters with Gandhi, and called him "a role model for the generations to come" in a letter writing about him.^[383] Einstein said of Gandhi:

Mahatma Gandhi's life achievement stands unique in political history. He has invented a completely new and humane means for the liberation war of an oppressed country, and practised it with greatest energy and devotion. The moral influence he had on the consciously thinking human being of the entire civilised world will probably be much more lasting than it seems in our time with its overestimation of brutal violent forces. Because lasting will only be the work of such statesmen who wake up and strengthen the moral power of their people through their example and educational works. We may all be happy and grateful that destiny gifted us with such an enlightened contemporary, a role model for the generations to come.

Generations to come will scarce believe that such a one as this walked the earth in flesh and blood.

Lanza del Vasto went to India in 1936 intending to live with Gandhi; he later returned to Europe to spread Gandhi's philosophy and founded the Community of the Ark in 1948 (modelled after Gandhi's ashrams). Madeleine Slade (known as "Mirabehn") was the daughter of a British admiral who spent much of her adult life in India as a devotee of Gandhi.^[384][385]

In addition, the British musician John Lennon referred to Gandhi when discussing his views on nonviolence.^[386] At the Cannes Lions International Advertising Festival in 2007, former US Vice-President and environmentalist Al Gore spoke of Gandhi's influence on him.^[387]

US President Barack Obama in a 2010 address to the Parliament of India said that:

I am mindful that I might not be standing before you today, as President of the United States, had it not been for Gandhi and the message he shared with America and the world.^[388]

Obama in September 2009 said that his biggest inspiration came from Gandhi. His reply was in response to the question 'Who was the one person, dead or live, that you would choose to dine with?'. He continued that "He's somebody I find a lot of inspiration in. He inspired Dr. King with his message of nonviolence. He ended up doing so much and changed the world just by the power of his ethics."^[389]

Time Magazine named The 14th Dalai Lama, Lech Wałęsa, Martin Luther King, Cesar Chavez, Aung San Suu Kyi, Benigno Aquino, Jr., Desmond Tutu, and Nelson Mandela as Children of Gandhi and his spiritual heirs to nonviolence.^[390]
The Mahatma Gandhi District in Houston, Texas, United States, an ethnic Indian enclave, is officially named after Gandhi.^[391]

On the basis of a petition, a statue of Gandhi at the University of Ghana was removed on December 15, 2018, because it was viewed by the petitioners as "an homage to a racist".^[392]

Global days that celebrate Gandhi

In 2007, the United Nations General Assembly declared Gandhi's birthday 2 October as "the International Day of Nonviolence."^[393] First proposed by UNESCO in 1948, as the School Day of Nonviolence and Peace (DENIP in Spanish),^[394] 30 January is observed as the School Day of Nonviolence and Peace in schools of many countries^[395] In countries with a Southern Hemisphere school calendar, it is observed on 30 March.^[395]

Awards

Monument to M. K. Gandhi in Madrid, Spain

Time magazine named Gandhi the Man of the Year in 1930. The University of Nagpur awarded him an LL.D. in 1937.^[396] Gandhi was also the runner-up to Albert Einstein as "Person of the Century"^[397] at the end of 1999. The Government of India awarded the annual Gandhi Peace Prize to distinguished social workers, world leaders and citizens. Nelson Mandela, the leader of South Africa's struggle to eradicate racial discrimination and segregation, was a prominent non-Indian recipient. In 2011, Time magazine named Gandhi as one of the top 25 political icons of all time.^[398]

Gandhi did not receive the Nobel Peace Prize, although he was nominated five times between 1937 and 1948, including the first-ever nomination by the American Friends Service Committee,^[399] though he made the short list only twice, in 1937 and 1947.^[400] Decades later, the Nobel Committee publicly declared its regret for the omission, and admitted to deeply divided nationalistic opinion denying the award.^[400] Gandhi was nominated in 1948 but was assassinated before nominations closed. That year, the committee chose not to award the peace prize stating that "there was no suitable living candidate" and later research shows that the possibility of awarding the prize posthumously to Gandhi was discussed and that the reference to no suitable living candidate was to Gandhi.^[400] Geir Lundestad, Secretary of Norwegian Nobel Committee in 2006 said, "The greatest omission in our 106-year history is undoubtedly that Mahatma Gandhi never received the Nobel Peace prize. Gandhi could do without the Nobel Peace prize, whether Nobel committee can do without Gandhi is the question".^[401] When the 14th Dalai Lama was awarded the Prize in 1989, the chairman of the committee said that this was "in part a tribute to the memory of Mahatma Gandhi".^[400]

Father of the Nation

Indians widely describe Gandhi as the father of the nation.^[8][9] Origin of this title is traced back to a radio address (on Singapore radio) on 6 July 1944 by Subhash Chandra Bose where Bose addressed Gandhi as "The Father of the Nation".^[402] On 28 April 1947, Sarojini Naidu during a conference also referred Gandhi as "Father of the Nation".^[403][404]

Film, theatre and literature

A 5 hours, 9 minutes long biographical documentary film,^[405]Mahatma: Life of Gandhi, 1869–1948made by Vithalbhai Jhaveri^[406] in 1968, quoting Gandhi's words and using black & white archival footage and photographs, captures the history of those times. Ben Kingsley portrayed him in Richard Attenborough's 1982 film Gandhi,^[407] which won the Academy Award for Best Picture. The 1996 film The Making of the Mahatma documented Gandhi's time in South Africa and his transformation from an inexperienced barrister to recognised political leader.^[408] Gandhi was a central figure in the 2006 Bollywood comedy film Lage Raho Munna Bhai. Jahnu Barua's Maine Gandhi Ko Nahin Mara (I did not kill Gandhi), places contemporary society as a backdrop with its vanishing memory of Gandhi's values as a metaphor for the senile forgetfulness of the protagonist of his 2005 film,^[409] writes Vinay Lal.^[410]

The 1979 opera Satyagraha by American composer Philip Glass is loosely based on Gandhi's life.^[411][412] The opera's libretto, taken from the Bhagavad Gitais sung in the original Sanskrit.

Anti-Gandhi themes have also been showcased through films and plays. The 1995 Marathi play Gandhi Virudh Gandhi explored the relationship between Gandhi and his son Harilal. The 2007 film, Gandhi, My Father was inspired on the same theme. The 1989 Marathi play Me Nathuram Godse Boltoy and the 1997 Hindi play Gandhi Ambedkar criticised Gandhi and his principles.^[414][415]

Several biographers have undertaken the task of describing Gandhi's life. Among them are D. G. Tendulkar with his Mahatma. Life of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi in eight volumes, Chaman Nahal's Gandhi Quartet, and Pyarelal and Sushila Nayyar with their Mahatma Gandhi in 10 volumes. The 2010 biography, Great Soul: Mahatma Gandhi and His Struggle With India by Joseph Lelyveld contained controversial material speculating about Gandhi's sexual life.^[416] Lelyveld, however, stated that the press coverage "grossly distort[s]" the overall message of the book.^[417] The 2014 film Welcome Back Gandhi takes a fictionalised look at how Gandhi might react to modern day India.^[418]

"Mahatma Gandhi" is used by Cole Porter in his lyrics for the song You're the Top which is included in the 1934 musical Anything Goes. In the song Porter rhymes "Mahatma Gandhi' with "Napoleon Brandy."

Current impact within India

India, with its rapid economic modernisation and urbanisation, has rejected Gandhi's economics^[419] but accepted much of his politics and continues to revere his memory. Reporter Jim Yardley notes that, "modern India is hardly a Gandhian nation, if it ever was one. His vision of a village-dominated economy was shunted aside during his lifetime as rural romanticism, and his call for a national ethos of personal austerity and nonviolence has proved antithetical to the goals of an aspiring economic and military power." By contrast Gandhi is "given full credit for India's political identity as a tolerant, secular democracy."^[420]

Gandhi's birthday, 2 October, is a national holiday in India, Gandhi Jayanti. Gandhi's image also appears on paper currency of all denominations issued by Reserve Bank of India, except for the one rupee note.^[421] Gandhi's date of death, 30 January, is commemorated as a Martyrs' Day in India.^[422]

There are three temples in India dedicated to Gandhi.^[423] One is located at Sambalpur in Orissa and the second at Nidaghatta village near Kadur in Chikmagalur district of Karnataka and the third one at Chityal in the district of Nalgonda, Telangana.^[423][424] The Gandhi Memorial in Kanyakumari resembles central Indian Hindu temples and the Tamukkam or Summer Palace in Madurai now houses the Mahatma Gandhi Museum.^[425]

Descendants

Gandhi's children and grandchildren live in India and other countries. Grandson Rajmohan Gandhi is a Professor in Illinois and an author of Gandhi's biography, while another, Tarun Gandhi, has authored several authoritative books on his grandfather. Another grandson, Kanu Ramdas Gandhi (the son of Gandhi's third son Ramdas), was found living in an old age home in Delhi despite having taught earlier in the United States.^[426][427]

Family tree of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi and Kasturba Gandhi. Source: Gandhi Ashram Sabarmati

See also

References

1. ^ ^{a b} Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006) pp. 1–3.
   


2. ^ Jeffrey M. Shaw; Timothy J. Demy (2017). War and Religion: An Encyclopedia of Faith and Conflict. ABC-CLIO. p. 309. ISBN 978-1-61069-517-6.
   


3. ^ "Gandhi". Archived 14 January 2015 at the Wayback Machine Random House Webster's Unabridged Dictionary.
   


4. ^ McGregor, Ronald Stuart (1993). The Oxford Hindi-English Dictionary. Oxford University Press. p. 799. ISBN 978-0-19-864339-5. Archived from the original on 12 October 2013. Retrieved 31 August 2013. Quote: (mahā- (S. "great, mighty, large, ..., eminent") + ātmā (S. "1.soul, spirit; the self, the individual; the mind, the heart; 2. the ultimate being."): "high-souled, of noble nature; a noble or venerable man."
   


5. ^ Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006) p. 172: "... Kasturba would accompany Gandhi on his departure from Cape Town for England in July 1914 en route to India. ... In different South African towns (Pretoria, Cape Town, Bloemfontein, Johannesburg, and the Natal cities of Durban and Verulam), the struggle's martyrs were honoured and the Gandhi's bade farewell. Addresses in Durban and Verulam referred to Gandhi as a 'Mahatma', 'great soul'. He was seen as a great soul because he had taken up the poor's cause. The whites too said good things about Gandhi, who predicted a future for the Empire if it respected justice." (p. 172).
   


6. ^ ^{a b} McAllister, Pam (1982). Reweaving the Web of Life: Feminism and Nonviolence. New Society Publishers. p. 194. ISBN 978-0-86571-017-7. Archived from the original on 12 October 2013. Retrieved 31 August 2013. Quote: "With love, Yours, Bapu (You closed with the term of endearment used by your close friends, the term you used with all the movement leaders, roughly meaning 'Papa'." Another letter written in 1940 shows similar tenderness and caring.
   


7. ^ Eck, Diana L. (2003). Encountering God: A Spiritual Journey from Bozeman to Banaras. Beacon Press. p. 210. ISBN 978-0-8070-7301-8. Archived from the original on 12 October 2013. Retrieved 31 August 2013. Quote: "... his niece Manu, who, like others called this immortal Gandhi 'Bapu,' meaning not 'father,' but the familiar, 'daddy'." (p. 210)
   


8. ^ ^{a b} "Gandhi not formally conferred 'Father of the Nation' title: Govt" Archived 6 September 2014 at the Wayback Machine, The Indian Express11 July 2012.
   


9. ^ [1 9659440]a ^b "Constitution doesn't permit 'Father of the Nation' title: Government" Archived 7 January 2017 at the Wayback Machine, The Times of India26 October 2012.
   


10. ^ ^{a b c} Khan, Yasmin (2007). The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan. Yale University Press. p. 18. ISBN 978-0-300-12078-3. Archived from the original on 12 October 2013. Retrieved 1 September 2013. Quote: "the Muslim League had only caught on among South Asian Muslims during the Second World War. ... By the late 1940s, the League and the Congress had impressed in the British their own visions of a free future for Indian people. ... one, articulated by the Congress, rested on the idea of a united, plural India as a home for all Indians and the other, spelt out by the League, rested on the foundation of Muslim nationalism and the carving out of a separate Muslim homeland." (p. 18)
    


11. ^ Khan, Yasmin (2007). The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan. Yale University Press. p. 1. ISBN 978-0-300-12078-3. Archived from the original on 12 October 2013. Retrieved 1 September 2013. Quote: "South Asians learned that the British Indian empire would be partitioned on 3 June 1947. They heard about it on the radio, from relations and friends, by reading newspapers and, later, through government pamphlets. Among a population of almost four hundred million, where the vast majority lived in the countryside, ..., it is hardly surprising that many ... did not hear the news for many weeks afterwards. For some, the butchery and forced relocation of the summer months of 1947 may have been the first they know about the creation of the two new states rising from the fragmentary and terminally weakened British empire in India." (p. 1)
    


12. ^ ^{a b c} Brown (1991), p. 380: "Despite and indeed because of his sense of helplessness Delhi was to be the scene of what he called his greatest fast. ... His decision was made suddenly, though after considerable thought – he gave no hint of it even to Nehru and Patel who were with him shortly before he announced his intention at a prayer-meeting on 12 January 1948. He said he would fast until communal peace was restored, real peace rather than the calm of a dead city imposed by police and troops. Patel and the government took the fast partly as condemnation of their decision to withhold a considerable cash sum still outstanding to Pakistan as a result of the allocation of undivided India's assets, because the hostilities that had broken out in Kashmir; ... But even when the government agreed to pay out the cash, Gandhi would not break his fast: that he would only do after a large number of important politicians and leaders of communal bodies agreed to a joint plan for restoration of normal life in the city."
    


13. ^ ^{a b} Cush, Denise; Robinson, Catherine; York, Michael (2008). Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Taylor und Francis. p. 544. ISBN 978-0-7007-1267-0. Archived from the original on 12 October 2013. Retrieved 31 August 2013. Quote: "The apotheosis of this contrast is the assassination of Gandhi in 1948 by a militant Nathuram Godse, on the basis of his 'weak' accommodationist approach towards the new state of Pakistan." (p. 544)
    


14. ^ Todd, Anne M. (2012) Mohandas Gandhi, Infobase Publishing, ISBN 1-4381-0662-9, p. 8: The name Gandhi means "grocer", although Mohandas's father and grandfather were politicians not grocers.
    


15. ^ Renard, John (1999). Responses to One Hundred and One Questions on Hinduism By John Renard. p. 139. ISBN 978-0-8091-3845-6.
    


16. ^ Mohandas K. Gandhi, Autobiography chapter 1 (Dover edition, p. 1).
    


17. ^ ^{a b} Guha 2015 pp. 19–21
    


18. ^ Misra, Amalendu (2004). Identity and Religion: Foundations of anti-Islamism in India. p. 67. ISBN 978-0-7619-3227-7.
    


19. ^ Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006). Mohandas: A True Story of a Man, His People, and an Empire By Gandhi. p. 5. ISBN 978-0-14-310411-7.
    


20. ^ ^{a b c d e f} Tendulkar, D. G. (1951). Mahatma; life of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. Delhi: Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India.
    


21. ^ Malhotra, S.L (2001). Lawyer to Mahatma: Life, Work and Transformation of M. K. Gandhi. p. 5. ISBN 978-81-7629-293-1.
    


22. ^ Guha 2015, p. 21
    


23. ^ Guha 2015, p. 512
    


24. ^ Guha 2015, p. 22
    


25. ^ Sorokin, Pitirim Aleksandrovich (2002). The Ways and Power of Love: types, factors, and techniques of moral transformation. Templeton Foundation Press. p. 169. ISBN 978-1-890151-86-7.
    


26. ^ Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber & Rudolph, Lloyd I. (1983). Gandhi: The Traditional Roots of Charisma. Universität von Chicago Press. p. 48. ISBN 978-0-226-73136-0.
    


27. ^ Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006) pp. 2, 8, 269
    


28. ^ ^{a b} Arvind Sharma (2013). Gandhi: A Spiritual Biography. Yale University Press. S. 11–14. ISBN 978-0-300-18738-0.
    


29. ^ Rudolph, Susanne Hoeber & Rudolph, Lloyd I. (1983). Gandhi: The Traditional Roots of Charisma. Universität von Chicago Press. p. 17. ISBN 978-0-226-73136-0.
    


30. ^ Gerard Toffin (2012). John Zavos; et al., Hrsg. Public Hinduisms. SAGE-Publikationen. pp. 249–257. ISBN 978-81-321-1696-7.
    


31. ^ Guha 2015, p. 23
    


32. ^ Guha 2015, pp. 24-25
    


33. ^ ^{a b} Rajmohan Gandhi (2015). Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. S. 24–25. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.
    


34. ^ Louis Fischer (1982). Gandhi, his life and message for the world. Pinguin. p. 96. ISBN 978-0-451-62142-9.
    


35. ^ Rajmohan Gandhi (2015). Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. S. 25–26. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.
    


36. ^ Sankar Ghose (1991). Mahatma Gandhi. Alliierte Verleger. p. 4. ISBN 978-81-7023-205-6.
    


37. ^ Ramachandra Guha (2015). Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. S. 27–28. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.
    


38. ^ ^{a b} Mohanty, Rekha (2011). "From Satya to Sadbhavna" (PDF). Orissa Review (January 2011): 45–49. Archived (PDF) from the original on 1 January 2016. Retrieved 23 February 2012.
    


39. ^ ^{a b} Gandhi (1940). Chapter "At the High School"; Archived 30 June 2012 at the Wayback Machine.
    


40. ^ Gandhi (1940). Chapter "Playing the Husband"; Archived 1 July 2012 at the Wayback Machine.
    


41. ^ Ramachandra Guha (2015). Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. S. 28–29. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.
    


42. ^ ^{a b} Guha 2015, p. 29
    


43. ^ Guha 2015, p. 30
    


44. ^ ^{a b} Guha 2015, p. 32
    


45. ^ Gandhi (1940). Chapter "Preparation for England". Archived 2 July 2012 at the Wayback Machine
    


46. ^ Rajmohan Gandhi (2015). Gandhi before India. Vintage Books. p. 32. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.
    


47. ^ ^{a b} Guha 2015, pp. 33-34
    


48. ^ Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006) pp. 20–21.
    


49. ^ M K Gandhi (1940), The Story of My Experiments with Truth Archived 17 April 2016 at the Wayback Machine, Autobiography, Wikisource
    


50. ^ Thomas Weber (2004). Gandhi as Disciple and Mentor. Cambridge University Press. pp. 19–25. ISBN 978-1-139-45657-9.
    


51. ^ ^{a b c d} Brown (1991).
    


52. ^ ^{a b} Herman (2008), pp. 82–83
    


53. ^ Giliomee, Hermann & Mbenga, Bernard (2007). "3". In Roxanne Reid. New History of South Africa (1st ed.). Tafelberg. p. 193. ISBN 978-0-624-04359-1.
    


54. ^ ^{a b} Power, Paul F. (1969). "Gandhi in South Africa". The Journal of Modern African Studies. 7 (3): 441–55. doi:10.1017/S0022278X00018590. JSTOR 159062.
    


55. ^ ^{a b} Parekh, Bhikhu C. (2001). Gandhi: a very short introduction. Oxford University Press. p. 7. ISBN 978-0-19-285457-5.
    


56. ^ Gandhi (1940). Chapter "More Hardships". Archived 2 July 2012 at the Wayback Machine
    


57. ^ ^{a b c} S. Dhiman (2016). Gandhi and Leadership: New Horizons in Exemplary Leadership. Springer pp. 25–27. ISBN 978-1-137-49235-7.
    


58. ^ ^{a b} Fischer (2002)
    


59. ^ Gandhi (1940). Chapter "Some Experiences". Archived 2 July 2012 at the Wayback Machine
    


60. ^ Gandhi (1940). Chapter "What it is to be a coolie". Archived 11 April 2016 at the Wayback Machine
    


61. ^ Herman (2008), pp. 87–88
    


62. ^ Allen, Jeremiah (2011). Sleeping with Strangers: A Vagabond's Journey Tramping the Globe. Other Places Publishing. p. 273. ISBN 978-1-935850-01-4.
    


63. ^ ^{a b} Herman (2008), pp. 88–89
    


64. ^ " March 1897 Memorial".  The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi. Wikisource. : correspondence and newspaper accounts of the incident.
    


65. ^ Herman (2008), page 125
    


66. ^ Herman (2008) chapter 6.
    


67. ^ Rai, Ajay Shanker (2000). Gandhian Satyagraha: An Analytical And Critical Approach. Konzeptverlag. p. 35. ISBN 978-81-7022-799-1.
    


68. ^ Tolstoy, Leo (14 December 1908). "A Letter to A Hindu: The Subjection of India-Its Cause and Cure". The Literature Network. The Literature Network. Retrieved 12 February 2012. THE HINDU KURAL
    


69. ^ Parel, Anthony J. (2002), "Gandhi and Tolstoy", in M. P. Mathai, M. S. John, Siby K. Joseph, Meditations on Gandhi : a Ravindra Varma festschriftNew Delhi: Concept, pp. 96–112retrieved 2012-09-08CS1 maint: Uses editors parameter (link)
    


70. ^ Guha, Ramachandra (2013), Gandhi Before IndiaVol. 1, Ch. 22, Allen Lane, ISBN 0-670-08387-9.
    


71. ^ Charles R. DiSalvo (2013). M.K. Gandhi, Attorney at Law: The Man before the Mahatma. pp. 14–15.
    


72. ^ Jones, Constance; Ryan, James (2009). Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Infobase-Publishing. pp. 158–59. ISBN 978-1-4381-0873-5. Archived from the original on 21 October 2015. Retrieved 5 October 2012.
    


73. ^ ^{a b c d} Ashwin Desai; Goolem Vahed (2015). The South African Gandhi: Stretcher-Bearer of Empire. Stanford University Press. pp. 22–26, 33–38. ISBN 978-0-8047-9717-7.
    


74. ^ "Ram Guha is wrong. Gandhi went from a racist young man to a racist middle-aged man".
    


75. ^ Edward Ramsamy; Michael Mbanaso; Chima Korieh. Minorities and the State in Africa. Cambria Press. pp. 71–73. ISBN 978-1-62196-874-0.
    


76. ^ ^{a b c} Herman (2008), pp. 136–137.
    


77. ^ ^{a b} Herman (2008), pp. 280–281, 154–157
    


78. ^ For Kallenbach and the naming of Tolstoy Farm, see Vashi, Ashish (31 March 2011) "For Gandhi, Kallenbach was a Friend and Guide", The Times of India. Retrieved 1 January 2019.
    For Johannesburg, see "Gandhi – A Medium for Truth" (link to article in Philosophy Now magazine) Archived 24 March 2014 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved March 2014.
    


79. ^ Corder, Catherine; Plaut, Martin (2014). "Gandhi's Decisive South African 1913 Campaign: A Personal Perspective from the Letters of Betty Molteno". South African Historical Journal. 66 (1): 22–54. doi:10.1080/02582473.2013.862565.CS1 maint: Multiple names: authors list (link)
    


80. ^ Smith, Colleen (1 October 2006). "Mbeki: Mahatma Gandhi Satyagraha 100th Anniversary (01/10/2006)". Speeches. Polityorg.za. Archived from the original on 2 May 2013. Retrieved 20 January 2012.
    


81. ^ Prashad, Ganesh (September 1966). "Whiggism in India". Political Science Quarterly. 81 (3): 412–31. doi:10.2307/2147642. JSTOR 2147642.
    


82. ^ Markovits, Claude (2004). A History of Modern India, 1480–1950. Anthem Press. pp. 367–86. ISBN 978-1-84331-004-4.
    


83. ^
    Chronology of Mahatma Gandhi's Life:India 1918 in WikiSource based on the Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi. Based on public domain volumes.
    


84. ^ ^{a b} Desai, Mahadev Haribhai (1930). "Preface". Day-to-day with Gandhi: secretary's diary. Hemantkumar Nilkanth (translation). Sarva Seva Sangh Prakashan. Archived from the original on 3 June 2007.
    


85. ^ Gandhi (1940). Chapter "Recruiting Campaign" Archived 2 July 2012 at the Wayback Machine.
    


86. ^ Gandhi (1965), Collected WorksVol 17. Archived 15 October 2009 at the Wayback Machine Chapter "67. Appeal for enlistment", Nadiad, 22 June 1918.
    


87. ^ Gandhi (1965), Collected WorksVol 17. Archived 15 October 2009 at the Wayback Machine "Chapter 8. Letter to J. L. Maffey", Nadiad, 30 April 1918.
    


88. ^ ^{a b} Hardiman, David (April 2001). "Champaran and Gandhi: Planters, Peasants and Gandhian Politics by Jacques Pouchepadass (Review)". Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 11 (1): 99–101. doi:10.1017/S1356186301450152. JSTOR 25188108.
    


89. ^ "Satyagraha Laboratories of Mahatma Gandhi". Indian National Congress website. All India Congress Committee. 2004. Archived from the original on 6 December 2006. Retrieved 25 February 2012.
    


90. ^ Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006) pp. 196–97.
    


91. ^ Brown, Judith M. (1974). Gandhi's Rise to Power: Indian Politics 1915–1922. Cambridge University Press. pp. 94–102. ISBN 978-0-521-09873-1.
    


92. ^ ^{a b} Keith Robbins (2002). The First World War. Oxford University Press. pp. 133–137. ISBN 978-0-19-280318-4.
    


93. ^ ^{a b c} Michael J. Green; Nicholas Szechenyi (2017). A Global History of the Twentieth Century: Legacies and Lessons from Six National Perspectives. Rowman und Littlefield. S. 89–90. ISBN 978-1-4422-7972-8.
    


94. ^ ^{a b c} Minault, Gail (1982) The Khilafat Movement Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in IndiaColumbia University Press, ISBN 0-231-05072-0, pp. 68–72, 78–82, 96–102, 108–109
    


95. ^ Minault, Gail (1982) The Khilafat Movement Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in IndiaColumbia University Press, ISBN 0-231-05072-0, pp. 4–8
    


96. ^ ^{a b c d e f} Sarah C.M. Paine (2015). Nation Building, State Building, and Economic Development: Case Studies and Comparisons. Routledge. S. 20–21. ISBN 978-1-317-46409-9.
    


97. ^ ^{a b c d e f} Ghose, Sankar (1991). Mahatma Gandhi. Alliierte Verleger. pp. 161–164. ISBN 978-81-7023-205-6.
    


98. ^ Roderick Matthews (2012). Jinnah vs. Gandhi. Hachette p. 31. ISBN 978-93-5009-078-7.Quote: "Rabindranath Tagore heavily criticized Gandhi at the time in private letters (...). They reveal Tagore's belief that Gandhi had committed the Indian political nation to a cause that was mistakenly anti-Western and fundamentally negative";
    Kham, Aqeeluzzafar (1990). "The All-India Muslim Conference and the Origin of the Khilafat Movement in India". Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society. 38 (2): 155–62.
    


99. ^ ^{a b} Roberts, W. H. (1923). "A Review of the Gandhi Movement in India". Political Science Quarterly. 38 (2): 227–48. doi:10.2307/2142634. JSTOR 2142634.
    


100. ^ Bose, Sugata & Jalal, Ayesha (2004). Modern South History, Culture, Political Economy. Psychologie Presse. pp. 112–14. ISBN 978-0-203-71253-5.
     


101. ^ Brown (1991) pp. 140–47.
     


102. ^ Minault, Gail (1982) The Khilafat Movement Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in IndiaColumbia University Press, ISBN 0-231-05072-0, pp. 113–116
     


103. ^ Akbar S. Ahmed (1997). Jinnah, Pakistan and Islamic Identity: The Search for Saladin. Routledge. pp. 57–71. ISBN 978-0-415-14966-2. Archived from the original on 30 May 2016.
     


104. ^ von Pochhammer, Wilhelm (2005). India's Road to Nationhood: A Political History of the Subcontinent. Alliierte Verleger. p. 440. ISBN 978-81-7764-715-0.
     


105. ^ Brown, Judith Margaret (1994). Modern India: the origins of an Asian democracy. Oxford U. Press. p. 228. ISBN 978-0-19-873112-2.
     


106. ^ Sarkar, Sumit (1983). Modern India: 1885–1947. Macmillan. p. 233. ISBN 978-0-333-90425-1.
     


107. ^ Markovits, Claude, ed. (2004). A History of Modern India, 1480–1950. Anthem Press. p. 372. ISBN 978-1-84331-004-4.
     


108. ^ Mary Elizabeth King, "Mohandas K, Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr.'s Bequest: Nonviolent Civil Resistance in a Globalized World" in Lewis V. Baldwin & Paul R. Dekar (2013). "In an Inescapable Network of Mutuality": Martin Luther King, Jr. and the Globalization of an Ethical Ideal. Wipf and Stock. pp. 168–69. Archived from the original on 1 January 2016.
     


109. ^ ^{a b c d e} Stanley Wolpert (2002). Gandhi's Passion: The Life and Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi. Oxford University Press. pp. 99–103. ISBN 978-0-19-515634-8. Archived from the original on 19 February 2017.
     


110. ^ Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand (1940). An Autobiography or The Story of My Experiments With Truth (2 ed.). Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House. p. 82. ISBN 0-8070-5909-9. Also available at Wikisource.
     


111. ^ Chakrabarty, Bidyut (2008). Indian Politics and Society since Independence: events, processes and ideology. Routledge. p. 154. ISBN 978-0-415-40868-4. Retrieved 4 April 2012.
     


112. ^ Desai, p. 89.
     


113. ^ Shashi, p. 9.
     


114. ^ Desai, p. 131.
     


115. ^ Datta, Amaresh (1 January 2006). The Encyclopaedia of Indian Literature (Volume Two) (Devraj To Jyoti). Sahitya Akademi. p. 1345. ISBN 978-81-260-1194-0. Retrieved 4 April 2012.
     


116. ^ ^{a b} Gandhi 1990, p. 172.
     


117. ^ ^{a b} Sankar Ghose (1991). Mahatma Gandhi. Alliierte Verleger. pp. 199–204. ISBN 978-81-7023-205-6.
     


118. ^ Herman (2008) pp. 419–420
     


119. ^ John. Newsinger (2006). The Blood Never Dried. Bookmarks Publications Ltd. p. 141. ISBN 1905192126.
     


120. ^ S R Bakshi (1988). Gandhi and Gandhi and the Mass Movement. Neu-Delhi. pp. 133–34.
     


121. ^ L. Fischer (1950). Gandhi and the Mass Movement. pp. 298–99.
     


122. ^ Hatt (2002), p. 33.
     


123. ^ Sarma, Bina Kumari (January 1994). "Gandhian Movement and Women's Awakening in Orissa". Indian Historical Review. 21 (1/2): 78–79. ISSN 0376-9836.
     


124. ^ ^{a b} Marilyn French (2008). From Eve to Dawn, A History of Women in the World, Volume IV: Revolutions and Struggles for Justice in the 20th Century. City University of New York Press. pp. 219–220. ISBN 978-1-55861-628-8.
     


125. ^ ^{a b} Suruchi Thapar-Bjorkert (2006). Women in the Indian National Movement: Unseen Faces and Unheard Voices, 1930–42. SAGE-Publikationen. pp. 77–79. ISBN 978-0-7619-3407-3.
     


126. ^ Murali, Atlury (January 1985). "Non-Cooperation in Andhra in 1920–22: Nationalist Intelligentsia and the Mobilization of Peasantry". Indian Historical Review. 12 (1/2): 188–217. ISSN 0376-9836.
     


127. ^ ^{a b c} Dennis Dalton (2012). Mahatma Gandhi: Nonviolent Power in Action. Columbia University Press. pp. 8–14, 20–23, 30–35. ISBN 978-0-231-15959-3.
     


128. ^ S. Dhiman (2016). Gandhi and Leadership: New Horizons in Exemplary Leadership. Springer pp. 46–49. ISBN 978-1-137-49235-7.
     


129. ^ John M Levine; Michael A. Hogg (2010). Encyclopedia of Group Processes and Intergroup Relations. SAGE-Publikationen. p. 73. ISBN 978-1-4129-4208-9.
     


130. ^ Herman (2008) pp. 375–77.
     


131. ^ Arthur Herman (2008). Gandhi & Churchill: The Epic Rivalry that Destroyed an Empire and Forged Our Age. Beliebiges Haus. p. 359. Archived from the original on 1 January 2016.
     


132. ^ ^{a b} Arthur Herman (2008). Gandhi & Churchill: The Epic Rivalry that Destroyed an Empire and Forged Our Age. Beliebiges Haus. pp. 378–381. ISBN 978-0-553-90504-5. Archived from the original on 13 September 2014.
     


133. ^ ^{a b} Andrew Muldoon (2016). Empire, Politics and the Creation of the 1935 India Act: Last Act of the Raj. Routledge. pp. 92–99. ISBN 978-1-317-14431-1.
     


134. ^ Rajmohan Gandhi (2006). Gandhi: The Man, His People, and the Empire. University of California Press. pp. 332–333. ISBN 978-0-520-25570-8. Archived from the original on 22 February 2017.
     


135. ^ Andrew Muldoon (2016). Empire, Politics and the Creation of the 1935 India Act: Last Act of the Raj. Routledge. p. 97. ISBN 978-1-317-14431-1.
     


136. ^ Judith Margaret Brown (1991). Gandhi: Prisoner of Hope. Yale University Press. pp. 252–257. ISBN 978-0-300-05125-4. Archived from the original on 7 March 2017.
     


137. ^ Arthur Herman (2008). Gandhi & Churchill: The Epic Rivalry that Destroyed an Empire and Forged Our Age. Beliebiges Haus. pp. 382–390. ISBN 978-0-553-90504-5. Archived from the original on 13 September 2014.
     


138. ^ ^{a b c d} Nicholas B. Dirks (2011). Castes of Mind: Colonialism and the Making of Modern India. Princeton University Press. pp. 267–274. ISBN 1-4008-4094-5.
     


139. ^ Kamath, M. V. (1995). Gandhi's Coolie: Life & Times of Ramkrishna Bajaj. Alliierte Verleger. p. 24. ISBN 81-7023-487-5.
     


140. ^ Rachel Fell McDermott; et al. (2014). Sources of Indian Traditions: Modern India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. Columbia University Press. pp. 369–370. ISBN 978-0-231-51092-9.
     


141. ^ Gandhi 1990, p. 246.
     


142. ^ Ghose, Sankar (1992). Jawaharlal Nehru, A Biographyp. 137. Allied Publishers Limited.
     


143. ^ Gandhi 1990, pp. 277–281.
     


144. ^ Sarkar, Jayabrata (18 April 2006). "Power, Hegemony and Politics: Leadership Struggle in Congress in the 1930s". Modern Asian Studies. 40 (2): 333–70. doi:10.1017/S0026749X0600179X.
     


145. ^ Dash, Siddhartha (January 2005). "Gandhi and Subhas Chandra Bose" (PDF). Orissa Review. Archived from the original (PDF) on 24 December 2012. Retrieved 12 April 2012.
     


146. ^ ^{a b c d e f} Arthur Herman (2008). Gandhi & Churchill: The Epic Rivalry that Destroyed an Empire and Forged Our Age. Beliebiges Haus. pp. 467–470. ISBN 978-0-553-90504-5. Archived from the original on 13 September 2014.
     


147. ^ Bipan Chandra (2000). India's Struggle for Independence. Pinguin-Bücher. p. 543. ISBN 978-81-8475-183-3.
     


148. ^ ^{a b c} Stanley Wolpert (2002). Gandhi's Passion: The Life and Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi. Oxford University Press. pp. 74–75. ISBN 978-0-19-515634-8. Archived from the original on 19 February 2017.
     


149. ^ Gandhi 1990, p. 309.
     


150. ^ Gurcharan Das (1990). A Fine Family. Pinguin-Bücher. S. 49–50. ISBN 978-0-14-012258-9.
     


151. ^ ^{a b c} Stanley Wolpert (2002). Gandhi's Passion: The Life and Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi. Oxford University Press. pp. 205–211. ISBN 978-0-19-515634-8. Archived from the original on 19 February 2017.
     


152. ^ Brock, Peter (1983). The Mahatma and mother India: essays on Gandhiʼs nonviolence and nationalism. Navajivan Publishing House. p. 34.
     


153. ^ Limaye, Madhu (1990). Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru: a historic partnership. B. R. Publishing Corporation. p. 11. ISBN 81-7018-547-5.
     


154. ^ von Pochhammer, Wilhelm (2005). India's Road to Nationhood: A Political History of the Subcontinent. Alliierte Verleger. p. 469. ISBN 81-7764-715-6.
     


155. ^ Lapping, Brian (1989). End of empire. Paladin. ISBN 978-0-586-08870-8.
     


156. ^ Mahatma Gandhi (2000). The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi. pp. 456–462. ISBN 978-81-230-0169-2.Archive of Gandhi-Jinnah communications (pp. 11–34)
     


157. ^ "Gandhi, Jinnah Meet First Time Since '44; Disagree on Pakistan, but Will Push Peace". The New York Times. 7 May 1947. Archived from the original on 30 April 2013. Retrieved 25 March 2012.(subscription required)
     


158. ^ Bhattacharya, Sanjoy (2001). Propaganda and information in Eastern India, 1939–45: a necessary weapon of war. Psychologie Presse. p. 33. ISBN 978-0-7007-1406-3.
     


159. ^ Shashi, p. 13.
     


160. ^ Reprinted in Fischer (2002), pp. 106–08.
     


161. ^ Hermann Kulke; Dietmar Rothermund (2004). A History of India. Routledge. pp. 311–312, context: 308–316. ISBN 978-0-415-32920-0.
     


162. ^ Penderel Moon (1962). Divide and Quit. University of California Press. pp. 11–28.
     


163. ^ Jack, p. 418.
     


164. ^ ^{a b} Stanley Wolpert (2009). Shameful Flight: The Last Years of the British Empire in India. Oxford University Press. pp. 118–121. ISBN 978-0-19-539394-1. Archived from the original on 1 October 2013.
     


165. ^ ^{a b} Wolpert, Chapter 1. Archived 21 March 2016 at the Wayback Machine, Oxford University Press
     


166. ^ Stanley Wolpert (2009). Shameful Flight: The Last Years of the British Empire in India. Oxford University Press. pp. 118–127. ISBN 978-0-19-539394-1. Archived from the original on 1 October 2013.
     


167. ^ ^{a b c} Dennis Dalton (2012). Mahatma Gandhi: Nonviolent Power in Action. Columbia University Press. pp. 64–66. ISBN 978-0-231-53039-2.
     


168. ^ Wolpert, Oxford University Press, p. 7.
     


169. ^ Metcalf, Barbara Daly; Metcalf, Thomas R. (2006). A concise history of modern India. Cambridge University Press. pp. 221–22. ISBN 978-0-521-86362-9.
     


170. ^ ^{a b c} Lelyveld, Joseph (2011). Great Soul: Mahatma Gandhi and His Struggle with India. Random House Digital, Inc. pp. 278–81. ISBN 978-0-307-26958-4.
     


171. ^ Mahatma Gandhi (2000). The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi. Publications Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Government of India. p. 130. ISBN 978-81-230-0154-8.
     


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250. ^ Arthur Herman (2008). Gandhi & Churchill: The Epic Rivalry that Destroyed an Empire and Forged Our Age. Beliebiges Haus. pp. 359, 378–380. ISBN 978-0-553-90504-5. Archived from the original on 13 September 2014.
     


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254. ^ Faisal Devji, The Impossible Indian: Gandhi and the Temptation of Violence (Harvard University Press; 2012)
     


255. ^ Johnson, Richard L. (2006). Gandhi's Experiments With Truth: Essential Writings By And About Mahatma Gandhi. Lexington-Bücher. p. 11. ISBN 978-0-7391-1143-7. Retrieved 9 May 2012.
     


256. ^ Mahatma Gandhi on Bhagat Singh.
     


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290. ^ Fiala, Andrew (2018). The Routledge Handbook of Pacifism and Nonviolence. Routledge. p. 94. ISBN 978-1-317-27197-0.Fiala quotes Ambitabh Pal, "Gandhi himself followed a strand of Hinduism that with its emphasis on service and on poetry and songs bore similarities to Sufi Islam".
     


291. ^ Stanley Wolpert (2002). Gandhi's Passion: The Life and Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi. Oxford University Press. pp. 14, 25–27. ISBN 978-0-19-515634-8. Archived from the original on 19 February 2017.Quote: "The Gandhis had always been strict vegetarians, as are all devout Hindus".
     


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300. ^ ^{a b} Arthur Herman (2008). Gandhi & Churchill: The Epic Rivalry that Destroyed an Empire and Forged Our Age. Beliebiges Haus. pp. 89–90, 294–295. ISBN 978-0-553-90504-5. Archived from the original on 13 September 2014.
     


301. ^ ^{a b} Mahatma Gandhi (1957). An Autobiography: The Story of My Experiments with Truth. Beacon Press. pp. 328–330. ISBN 978-0-8070-5909-8.
     


302. ^ Joseph S. Alter (2011). Gandhi's Body: Sex, Diet, and the Politics of Nationalism. Universität von Pennsylvania Press. pp. 21–22, 34–34, 74–75, 162–163. ISBN 0-8122-0474-3.
     


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313. ^ Thomas Weber (2004). Gandhi as Disciple and Mentor. Cambridge University Press. p. 33. ISBN 978-1-139-45657-9.
     


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Bibliography

Books

• Barr, F. Mary (1956). Bapu: Conversations and Correspondence with Mahatma Gandhi (2nd ed.). Bombay, India: International Book House. OCLC 8372568. (see book article)


• Bondurant, Joan Valérie (1971). Conquest of Violence: the Gandhian philosophy of conflict. University of California Press.


• Brown, Judith M. "Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand [Mahatma Gandhi] (1869–1948)", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, Oxford University Press, 2004; online edn, January 2011. Retrieved 25 February 2012 (subscription required)


• Brown, Judith M., and Anthony Parel, eds. The Cambridge Companion to Gandhi (2012); 14 essays by scholars excerpt and text search


• Brown, Judith Margaret (1991). Gandhi: Prisoner of Hope. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-05125-4.


• Chadha, Yogesh (1997). Gandhi: a life. John Wiley. ISBN 978-0-471-24378-6.


• Easwaran, Eknath (2011). Gandhi the Man: How One Man Changed Himself to Change the World. Nilgiri Press. ISBN 978-1-58638-055-7.


• Hook, Sue Vander (1 September 2010). Mahatma Gandhi: Proponent of Peace. ABDO. ISBN 978-1-61758-813-6.


• Gandhi, Rajmohan (1990), Patel, A LifeNavajivan Pub. House


• Gandhi, Rajmohan (2006). Gandhi: The Man, His People, and the Empire. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-25570-8.


• Gangrade, K.D. (2004). "Role of Shanti Sainiks in the Global Race for Armaments". Moral Lessons From Gandhi's Autobiography And Other Essays. Konzeptverlag. ISBN 978-81-8069-084-6.


• Guha, Ramachandra (2013). Gandhi Before India. Vintage Books. ISBN 978-0-385-53230-3.


• Hardiman, David (2003). Gandhi in His Time and Ours: the global legacy of his ideas. C. Hurst & Co. ISBN 978-1-85065-711-8.


• Hatt, Christine (2002). Mahatma Gandhi. Evans Brothers. ISBN 978-0-237-52308-4.


• Herman, Arthur (2008). Gandhi and Churchill: the epic rivalry that destroyed an empire and forged our age. Random House Digital, Inc. ISBN 978-0-553-80463-8.


• Jai, Janak Raj (1996). Commissions and Omissions by Indian Prime Ministers: 1947–1980. Regency Publications. ISBN 978-81-86030-23-3.


• Johnson, Richard L. (2006). Gandhi's Experiments with Truth: Essential Writings by and about Mahatma Gandhi. Lexington-Bücher. ISBN 978-0-7391-1143-7.


• Jones, Constance & Ryan, James D. (2007). Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Infobase-Publishing. p. 160. ISBN 978-0-8160-5458-9.


• Majmudar, Uma (2005). Gandhi's Pilgrimage of Faith: from darkness to light. SUNY Drücken Sie. ISBN 978-0-7914-6405-2.


• Miller, Jake C. (2002). Prophets of a just society. Nova Publishers. ISBN 978-1-59033-068-5.


• Pāṇḍeya, Viśva Mohana (2003). Historiography of India's Partition: an analysis of imperialist writings. Atlantic Publishers & Dist. ISBN 978-81-269-0314-6.


• Pilisuk, Marc; Nagler, Michael N. (2011). Peace Movements Worldwide: Players and practices in resistance to war. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-0-313-36482-2.


• Rühe, Peter (5 October 2004). Gandhi. Phaidon. ISBN 978-0-7148-4459-6.


• Schouten, Jan Peter (2008). Jesus as Guru: the image of Christ among Hindus and Christians in India. Rodopi. ISBN 978-90-420-2443-4.


• Sharp, Gene (1979). Gandhi as a Political Strategist: with essays on ethics and politics. P. Sargent Publishers. ISBN 978-0-87558-090-6.


• Shashi, S. S. (1996). Encyclopaedia Indica: India, Pakistan, Bangladesh. Anmol Publications. ISBN 978-81-7041-859-7.


• Sofri, Gianni (1999). Gandhi and India: a century in focus. Windrush Press. ISBN 978-1-900624-12-1.


• Thacker, Dhirubhai (2006). ""Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand" (entry)". In Amaresh Datta. The Encyclopaedia of Indian Literature (Volume Two) (Devraj To Jyoti). Sahitya Akademi. p. 1345. ISBN 978-81-260-1194-0.


• Todd, Anne M (2004). Mohandas Gandhi. Infobase-Publishing. ISBN 978-0-7910-7864-8.; short biography for children


• Wolpert, Stanley (2002). Gandhi's Passion: the life and legacy of Mahatma Gandhi. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-972872-5.

Primary sources

• Abel M (2005). Glimpses of Indian National Movement. ICFAI Books. ISBN 978-81-7881-420-9.


• Andrews, C. F. (2008) [1930]. "VII – The Teaching of Ahimsa". Mahatma Gandhi's Ideas Including Selections from His Writings. Pierides Press. ISBN 978-1-4437-3309-0.


• Dalton, Dennis, ed. (1996). Mahatma Gandhi: Selected Political Writings. Hackett Publishing. ISBN 978-0-87220-330-3.


• Duncan, Ronald, ed. (2011). Selected Writings of Mahatma Gandhi. Literary Licensing, LLC. ISBN 978-1-258-00907-6.


• Gandhi, M. K.; Fischer, Louis (2002). Louis Fischer, ed. The Essential Gandhi: An Anthology of His Writings on His Life, Work and Ideas. Vintage Books. ISBN 978-1-4000-3050-7.


• Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand (1928). Satyagraha in South Africa (in Gujarati) (1 ed.). Ahmedabad: Navajivan Publishing House. Translated by Valji G. Desai Free online access at Wikilivres.ca (1/e). Pdfs from Gandhiserve (3/e) & Yann Forget (hosted by Arvind Gupta) (1/e).


• Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand (1994). The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi. Publications Division, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, Govt. of India. ISBN 978-81-230-0239-2. (100 volumes). Free online access from Gandhiserve.


• Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand (1928). "Drain Inspector's Report". The United States of India. 5 (6, 7, 8): 3–4.


• Gandhi, Mohandas Karamchand (1990), Desai, Mahadev H., ed., Autobiography: The Story of My Experiments With TruthMineola, N.Y.: Dover, ISBN 0-486-24593-4


• Gandhi, Rajmohan (2007). Mohandas: True Story of a Man, His People. Penguin Books Limited. ISBN 978-81-8475-317-2.


• Guha, Ramachandra (2013). Gandhi Before India. Penguin Books Limited. ISBN 978-93-5118-322-8.


• Jack, Homer A., ed. (1994). The Gandhi Reader: A Source Book of His Life and Writings. Grove Press. ISBN 978-0-8021-3161-4.


• Johnson, Richard L. & Gandhi, M. K. (2006). Gandhi's Experiments With Truth: Essential Writings by and about Mahatma Gandhi. Lexington-Bücher. ISBN 978-0-7391-1143-7.


• Todd, Anne M. (2009). Mohandas Gandhi. Infobase-Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4381-0662-5.


• Parel, Anthony J., ed. (2009). Gandhi: "Hind Swaraj" and Other Writings Centenary Edition. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-14602-9.

External links

Articles related to Mahatma Gandhi