Indira Gandhi - Wikipedia

Indira Priyadarshini Gandhi ( Hindi: [ˈɪndɪraː ˈɡaːndʱiː] ( hören ) ; geb. Nehru ; 31. Oktober 1984), war eine indische Politikerin, Staatsfrau und eine zentrale Figur des Indian National Congress. ^[1] Sie war die erste und bisher einzige weibliche Premierministerin Indiens. Indira Gandhi war die Tochter von Jawaharlal Nehru, dem ersten indischen Premierminister. Von Januar 1966 bis März 1977 und im Januar 1980 bis zu ihrer Ermordung im Oktober 1984 war sie Premierministerin und damit die zweitälteste indische Premierministerin nach ihrem Vater. ^[2]

Gandhi diente als persönliche Assistentin und Gastgeberin ihres Vaters Seine Amtszeit als Premierminister zwischen 1947 und 1964. Sie wurde 1959 zur Präsidentin des Indian National Congress gewählt. Nach dem Tod ihres Vaters im Jahr 1964 wurde sie zum Mitglied des Rajya Sabha (Oberhaus) ernannt und wurde Mitglied von Lal Bahadur Shastri Kabinett als Minister für Information und Rundfunk. ^[3] Bei den Parlamentswahlen der Kongresspartei, die Anfang 1966 (nach dem Tod von Shastri) abgehalten wurden, besiegte sie ihren Rivalen Morarji Desai, der die Führung übernahm, und übernahm damit die Nachfolge von Shastri als Premierminister von Indien .

Als Premierminister war Gandhi für ihre politische Intransigenz und beispiellose Zentralisierung der Macht bekannt. Sie zog mit Pakistan in den Krieg, um die Unabhängigkeitsbewegung und den Unabhängigkeitskrieg in Ostpakistan zu unterstützen, was zu einem Sieg in Indien und zur Gründung von Bangladesch führte und den Einfluss Indiens bis zu dem Punkt erhöhte, an dem es zum regionalen Hegemon von Südasien wurde . Unter Berufung auf fissipare Tendenzen und als Reaktion auf einen Aufruf zur Revolution setzte Gandhi von 1975 bis 1977 den Ausnahmezustand ein, in dem grundlegende bürgerliche Freiheiten aufgehoben und die Presse zensiert wurde. Während des Notfalls wurden weit verbreitete Gräueltaten verübt. 1980 kehrte sie nach freien und fairen Wahlen an die Macht zurück. Nach der Operation Blue Star wurde sie am 31. Oktober 1984 von ihren eigenen Leibwächtern und Sikh-Nationalisten ermordet. Die Attentäter, Beant Singh und Satwant Singh, wurden beide von anderen Sicherheitskräften erschossen. Satwant Singh erholte sich von seinen Verletzungen und wurde hingerichtet, nachdem er wegen Mordes verurteilt worden war.

1999 wurde Indira Gandhi in einer von der BBC organisierten Online-Umfrage zur "Frau des Millenniums" gekürt. ^[4]

Frühes Leben und Karriere [ edit ]

[19459002IndiraGandhiwurdealsIndiraPriyadarshiniNehruam19November1917inAllahabadineinerKashmiri-Pandit-Familiegeboren^[6] Ihr Vater, Jawaharlal Nehru, war eine führende Persönlichkeit in Indiens politischem Unabhängigkeitskampf von der britischen Herrschaft und wurde die erste Premierminister der Dominion (und späteren Republik) Indiens. Sie war das einzige Kind (ein jüngerer Bruder wurde geboren, starb aber jung) und wuchs mit ihrer Mutter Kamala Nehru im Anand Bhavan auf; ein großes Familienanwesen in Allahabad. Sie hatte eine einsame und unglückliche Kindheit. Ihr Vater war oft weg, leitete politische Aktivitäten oder wurde eingesperrt, während ihre Mutter häufig krank wurde und später an Tuberkulose starb. Sie hatte nur begrenzten Kontakt zu ihrem Vater, hauptsächlich durch Briefe.

Der junge Indira während seiner Fastenzeit im Jahr 1924 mit Mahatma Gandhi. Indira, die in einem Khadi-Gewand gekleidet ist, folgt Gandhis Befürwortung, dass Khadi von allen Indianern anstelle von Briten getragen wird Textiles

Indira wurde meist zu Hause von Tutoren unterrichtet und besuchte die Schule zeitweise bis zur Immatrikulation im Jahr 1934. Sie war Schülerin der Modern School in Delhi, der christlichen Klosterschulen von St. Cecilia und St. Mary in Allahabad, ^[13] Internationale Schule von Genf, die Ecole Nouvelle in Bex und die eigene Schule für Schüler in Poona und Bombay, die der Universität von Mumbai angeschlossen ist. Sie und ihre Mutter Kamala Nehru zogen in das Belur Math-Hauptquartier der Ramakrishna-Mission, wo Swami Ranganathananda ihr Vormund war ^[15] . Später studierte sie an der Visva-Bharati-Universität in Santiniketan. Es war während ihres Interviews, dass Rabindranath Tagore sie Priyadarshini nannte, und sie wurde als Indira Priyadarshini Nehru bekannt. Ein Jahr später musste sie jedoch die Universität verlassen, um sich um ihre kranke Mutter in Europa zu kümmern. Dort wurde entschieden, dass Indira ihre Ausbildung an der Universität von Oxford fortsetzen würde. Nachdem ihre Mutter gestorben war, besuchte sie kurz die Badminton School, bevor sie sich 1937 am Somerville College einschrieb, um Geschichte zu studieren. Indira musste die Aufnahmeprüfung zweimal ablegen, da sie beim ersten Versuch mit einer schlechten lateinischen Leistung versagt hatte. In Oxford war sie in der Geschichte, in der Politikwissenschaft und in der Wirtschaftswissenschaften gut, aber ihre Noten in Latein - ein Pflichtfach - blieben schlecht. Sie hatte jedoch eine aktive Rolle im Studentenleben der Universität, wie der Oxford Majlis Asian Society. ^[22]
Am 26. September 1981 wurde Frau Indira Gandhi mit dem Ehrendoktor der Laucala-Graduierung an der Laucala Graduation ausgezeichnet die Universität des Südpazifik in Fidschi. ^{[ Zitat erforderlich ]}

Indira Nehru c. Anfang der 1930er Jahre

Während ihrer Zeit in Europa wurde Indira von Krankheiten geplagt und ständig von Ärzten betreut. Sie musste mehrmals in die Schweiz reisen, um sich zu erholen und das Studium zu stören. Sie wurde dort 1940 behandelt, als die deutschen Armeen rasch Europa eroberten. Gandhi versuchte über Portugal nach England zurückzukehren, blieb aber fast zwei Monate gestrandet. Anfang 1941 gelang es ihr, nach England einzureisen, und kehrte von dort nach Indien zurück, ohne ihr Studium in Oxford zu beenden. Die Universität verlieh ihr später einen Ehrentitel. Im Jahr 2010 ehrte Oxford sie weiter, indem sie sie als eine der zehn Oxasians, angesehene asiatische Absolventen der Universität Oxford, auswählte. ^[23]
Während ihres Aufenthalts in Großbritannien traf Indira häufig ihren zukünftigen Ehemann Feroze Gandhi (keine Beziehung zu Mahatma Gandhi) ), die sie aus Allahabad kannte und an der London School of Economics studierte. Die Ehe fand in Allahabad nach Adi Dharm-Ritualen statt, obwohl Feroze zu einer zoroastrischen Parsi-Familie von Gujarat gehörte. ^[24] Das Paar hatte zwei Söhne, Rajiv Gandhi (geb. 1944) und Sanjay Gandhi (geb. 1946). ^{19659020] Zitat benötigt}

In den 1950er Jahren diente Indira, die nach ihrer Heirat nun Frau Indira Gandhi war, während ihrer Amtszeit als erster indischer Premierminister ihrem Vater inoffiziell als persönlicher Assistent. ^[25] Ende der 1950er Jahre diente Indira Gandhi als Präsidentin von der Kongress. In dieser Eigenschaft war sie maßgeblich an der Absetzung der kommunistischen Führung durch die Kerala State Government im Jahr 1959 beteiligt. Diese Regierung hatte die Auszeichnung, Indiens erste gewählte kommunistische Regierung zu sein. ^[26] Nach dem Tod ihres Vaters im Jahr 1964 wurde sie als Mitglied der Kerala gewählt Rajya Sabha (Oberhaus) und diente im Ministerpräsidenten Lal Bahadur Shastri als Minister für Information und Rundfunk. ^[27] Im Januar 1966, nach Shastris Tod, wählte die gesetzgebende Partei des Kongresses Indira Gandhi über Morarji Desai als ihren Anführer. K. Kamaraj, ein Veteran der Kongresspartei, war maßgeblich an dem Sieg von Indira beteiligt. ^[28] Da sie eine Frau war, betrachteten andere politische Führer in Indien Gandhi als schwach und hofften, sie als einmal gewählte Marionette zu gebrauchen:

Kongresspräsident Kamaraj orchestrierte Frau Gandhis Wahl als Premierminister, weil er sie als schwach genug empfand, um sie und die anderen regionalen Parteichefs kontrollieren zu können, und dennoch stark genug, um Desai [her political opponent] bei einer Parteiauswahl zu schlagen, weil ihr Vater hoch angesehen wurde. Eine Frau wäre ein ideales Werkzeug für das Syndikat. ^[29]

Erste Amtszeit als Premierminister zwischen 1966 und 1977 [ edit

Die ersten elf Jahre von Indiras Position als Premierminister sahen, dass sie sich von der Wahrnehmung der Führer der Kongresspartei als Marionette zu einer starken Führungspersönlichkeit entwickelte, mit der eisernen Entschlossenheit, die Partei für ihre politischen Positionen zu spalten oder in den Krieg mit Pakistan zu ziehen Bangladesch befreien. Am Ende dieses Semesters im Jahr 1977 war sie eine so dominante Figur in der indischen Politik, dass ein Kongresspartei die Phrase "Indien ist Indira und Indira ist Indien" geprägt hatte. ^[30]

Erstes Jahr [ edit ]

Indira bildete ihre Regierung mit Morarji Desai als Vizepremierminister und Finanzminister. Zu Beginn ihrer ersten Amtszeit als Premierministerin wurde Indira von den Medien und der Opposition weithin als "Goongi goodiya" (Hindi-Wort für eine dumme Puppe oder Marionette) der Kongresspartei-Chefs kritisiert, die sie gewählt und versucht hatten sie einschränken ^[31][32]

1967–1971 [ edit ]

Die erste Wahlprüfung für Indira waren die Parlamentswahlen von 1967 für die Lok Sabha und die Staatsversammlungen. Die Kongresspartei gewann bei diesen Wahlen aufgrund der weit verbreiteten Ernüchterung über steigende Rohstoffpreise, Arbeitslosigkeit, wirtschaftliche Stagnation und Nahrungsmittelkrise eine reduzierte Mehrheit für die Lok Sabha. Indira Gandhi hatte mit einer felsigen Note begonnen, nachdem sie der Abwertung der Rupie zugestimmt hatte, was für indische Unternehmen und Verbraucher große Schwierigkeiten bereitete, und der Import von Weizen aus den Vereinigten Staaten fiel aufgrund politischer Streitigkeiten durch. ^{[33] [33] [33]}

Die Partei verlor auch zum ersten Mal die Macht oder die Mehrheit in einer Reihe von Staaten im ganzen Land. Nach den Wahlen von 1967 bewegte sich Indira Gandhi allmählich in Richtung sozialistischer Politik. 1969 fiel sie in einer Reihe von Fragen mit führenden Parteiführern der Kongresspartei aus. Unter ihnen war vor allem die Entscheidung von Indira, V. Giri, den unabhängigen Kandidaten und nicht den offiziellen Kandidaten der Kongresspartei Neelam Sanjiva Reddy, für die vakante Position des indischen Präsidenten zu unterstützen. Der andere war die Ankündigung des Premierministers für die Verstaatlichung der Bank, ohne den Finanzminister Morarji Desai zu konsultieren. Diese Schritte gipfelten im Parteipräsidenten S. Nijalingappa, der sie wegen Disziplinlosigkeit aus der Partei ausschloss. ^[34][35][36] Gandhi schwebte ihrerseits ihre eigene Fraktion der Kongresspartei und schaffte es, die meisten Kongressabgeordneten mit nur 65 an der Seite zu behalten der Fraktion des Kongresses (O). Die Indira-Fraktion, die als Congress (R) bezeichnet wurde, verlor ihre Mehrheit im Parlament, blieb jedoch mit Unterstützung regionaler Parteien wie DMK an der Macht. ^[37] Die Politik des Kongresses unter Indira Gandhi vor den Wahlen von 1971 umfasste ebenfalls Vorschläge für die Abschaffung des Privat-Geldbeutels an ehemalige Fürsten der Fürstenstaaten und die Verstaatlichung der vierzehn größten Banken in Indien im Jahre 1969. ^{[ Zitat erforderlich}

1971–1977 [ bearbeiten ]

Garibi Hatao (Ausrottung der Armut) war das Thema für Gandhis politischen Antrag von 1971. Auf der anderen Seite hatte das vereinte oppositionelle Bündnis ein aus zwei Wörtern bestehendes Manifest von "Indira Hatao" (Remove Indira). ^[38][39] Der Garibi Hatao-Slogan und die vorgeschlagenen Anti-Armutsprogramme sollten Gandhi zu einem unabhängigen Staatsbürger machen Unterstützung, basierend auf ländlichen und städtischen Armen. Dies würde es ihr erlauben, die herrschenden ländlichen Kasten sowohl in als auch von staatlichen und lokalen Regierungen zu umgehen; ebenso die urbane kommerzielle Klasse. Und die zuvor stimmlosen Armen würden ihrerseits letztendlich sowohl politischen als auch politischen Gewicht gewinnen ^{Zitat erforderlich} . Die durch Garibi Hatao geschaffenen Programme wurden, obwohl sie vor Ort durchgeführt wurden, von der Zentralregierung in Neu-Delhi finanziert und entwickelt. Das Programm wurde von der Indian National Congress Party überwacht und besetzt. "Diese Programme versorgten die zentrale politische Führung auch mit neuen und umfangreichen Gönnermitteln, die im ganzen Land ausgezahlt werden sollten.", ^[40]

Die größte Errungenschaft von Indira Gandhi nach den Wahlen von 1971 kam Im Dezember 1971 mit dem entscheidenden Sieg Indiens gegen Pakistan im Befreiungskrieg, der zur Bildung des unabhängigen Bangladeschs führte. Sie wurde damals von dem Oppositionsführer Atal Bihari Vajpayee als Göttin Durga gefeiert. ^{[41][42][43][44][note 1]} Bei den im März 1972 in ganz Indien abgehaltenen Wahlen kam der Kongress (R) in den meisten auf der Nachkriegszeit reitenden Staaten an die Macht. " Indira Welle ". ^[46]

Trotz des Sieges gegen Pakistan stand die Kongressregierung während dieser Amtszeit zahlreichen Problemen gegenüber. Einige davon waren auf die hohe Inflation zurückzuführen, die wiederum durch Ausgaben für Kriegszeiten, Dürre in einigen Teilen des Landes und vor allem durch die Ölkrise von 1973 verursacht wurde. Die Opposition gegen Gandhi im Zeitraum 1973/75, nachdem die Indira-Welle zurückgegangen war, war in den Bundesstaaten Bihar und Gujarat am stärksten ausgeprägt. In Bihar, Jayaprakash Narayan, trat der Veteran Leader aus dem Ruhestand, um die Protestbewegung dort zu leiten. ^[46]

Urteil über Wahlfehler [ edit [19589005]

Am 12. Juni 1975 erklärte der Oberste Gerichtshof von Allahabad die Wahl von Indira Gandhi zu Lok Sabha 1971 wegen Wahlfehlers für nichtig. In einem von ihrem Gegner 1971 eingereichten Wahlgesuch, Raj Narain (der 1977 die Parlamentswahlen von Raebareli im Jahr 1977 besiegte), wurden mehrere große und kleinere Fälle der Verwendung von Regierungsmitteln für den Wahlkampf erhoben. ^[47][48] ihr parlamentarischer Sitz und sechs Jahre lang für jedes Amt gesperrt. Gemäß der Verfassung muss der Premierminister Mitglied der Lok Sabha (des Unterhauses im indischen Parlament) oder eines Mitglieds der Rajya Sabha (des Oberhauses) sein. Diese Entscheidung entfernte sie somit effektiv vom Amt. Gandhi hatte einen ihrer Regierungskollegen, Mr. Ashoke Kumar Sen, gebeten, sie vor Gericht zu verteidigen. 19459033 Zitat erforderlich ]

Aber Gandhi lehnte Rücktrittsgesuche ab und kündigte Pläne an Berufung beim Obersten Gerichtshof. Das Urteil wurde von Richter Jagmohanlal Sinha vor dem Obersten Gerichtshof von Allahabad abgegeben. Es kam fast vier Jahre, nachdem der Fall von Raj Narain, dem besiegten Gegner des Premierministers bei den Parlamentswahlen von 1971, eingebracht worden war. Gandhi, die während des Prozesses zu ihrer Verteidigung Anklage erhoben hatte, wurde wegen unehrlicher Wahlpraktiken, übermäßiger Wahlausgaben und des Einsatzes von Regierungsapparaten und -vertretern für Parteizwecke für schuldig befunden. ^[47][49] Der Richter wies jedoch ernstere Bestechungsvorwürfe zurück 19659020] 19659020] 19659021]

Gandhi bestand darauf, dass die Verurteilung ihre Position nicht unterminierte, obwohl sie aus dem Unterhaus des Parlaments, Lok Sabha, im Auftrag des Parlaments entlassen worden war Oberster Gerichtshof Sie sagte: "Es wird viel darüber gesprochen, dass unsere Regierung nicht sauber ist, aber nach unserer Erfahrung war die Situation sehr viel schlimmer, als [opposition] Parteien Regierungen bildeten." Sie wies Kritik gegen die Art und Weise, wie ihre Kongresspartei Wahlkampfgelder aufbrachte, zurück und sagte, alle Parteien hätten die gleichen Methoden angewandt. Der Premierminister unterstützte die Unterstützung ihrer Partei, die eine Erklärung herausgab, die sie unterstützte. Nachdem sich die Nachricht über das Urteil verbreitet hatte, demonstrierten hunderte Anhänger vor ihrem Haus und lobten ihre Loyalität. Der indische Hohe Kommissar BK Nehru sagte, Gandhis Überzeugung würde ihrer politischen Karriere nicht schaden. "Frau Gandhi hat bis heute eine überwältigende Unterstützung im Land", sagte er. "Ich glaube, der Premierminister Indiens wird solange im Amt bleiben, bis die Wählerschaft Indiens etwas anderes beschließt." ^{[ Zitat erforderlich ]}

Ausnahmezustand (1975–1977) [ bearbeiten ]

Gandhi wollte die Ordnung wiederherstellen, indem er die Mehrheit der an den Unruhen teilnehmenden Opposition festnahm. Ihr Kabinett und ihre Regierung empfahlen, dass Präsident Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed wegen der Unordnung und Gesetzlosigkeit nach der Entscheidung des Obersten Gerichts in Allahabad den Ausnahmezustand erklärte. Dementsprechend erklärte Ahmed am 25. Juni 1975 einen Ausnahmezustand aufgrund innerer Unordnung, der sich auf Artikel 352 Absatz 1 der Verfassung stützte. ^{[ Zitat erforderlich}

Dekret [ edit ]

Innerhalb weniger Monate wurde die Herrschaft des Präsidenten den beiden von der Oppositionspartei Gujarat und Tamil Nadu beherrschten Staaten auferlegt, wodurch das gesamte Land unter direkte Zentralregierung oder von Regierungen, die von der regierenden Kongresspartei angeführt wurden, gebracht wurde. ^[50] Der Polizei wurden Befugnisse erteilt Die Verhängung von Ausgangssperren und die unbefristete Inhaftierung von Bürgern. Alle Veröffentlichungen wurden vom Ministerium für Information und Rundfunk einer erheblichen Zensur unterworfen. Schließlich wurden die bevorstehenden Wahlen zur gesetzgebenden Versammlung auf unbestimmte Zeit verschoben, wobei alle von der Opposition kontrollierten Landesregierungen aufgrund der verfassungsrechtlichen Bestimmung entfernt wurden, die die Entlassung einer Landesregierung auf Empfehlung des Gouverneurs des Staates erlaubte. ^{Zitat erforderlich ]}

Indira Gandhi nutzte die Notstandsbestimmungen, um sich widersprechende Parteimitglieder zu ändern:

Im Gegensatz zu ihrem Vater Jawaharlal Nehru, der es vorgezogen hatte, mit starken Chefsministern zu tun, die die Kontrolle über ihre gesetzgebenden Parteien und Parteiorganisationen ausüben, wollte Frau Gandhi jeden Kongreßchef, der über eine unabhängige Basis verfügte, entfernen und jede von ihnen ersetzen mit Ministern, die ihr persönlich treu sind ... Trotzdem konnte die Stabilität in den Staaten nicht aufrechterhalten werden ... ^[51]

Präsident Ahmed erließ Verordnungen, die keine Debatte im Parlament erforderten und Gandhi per Dekret regieren ließen. ^{[ Zitat benötigt ]}

Rise of Sanjay [ edit

Der Notfall sah den Eintritt von Gandhis jüngerem Sohn Sanjay Gandhi in die indische Politik. Sanjay übte während des Notfalls enorme Macht aus, ohne ein Regierungsamt zu haben. Laut Mark Tully: "Seine Unerfahrenheit hinderte ihn nicht daran, die drakonischen Mächte zu nutzen, die seine Mutter Indira Gandhi zur Terrorisierung der Verwaltung genommen hatte, um einen Polizeistaat zu gründen." ^{[52] Zitat nötig ]}

Es wurde gesagt, dass er während des Notfalls zusammen mit seinen Freunden, vor allem Bansi Lal, praktisch Indien führte. ^[53] Es wurde auch behauptet, dass Sanjay Gandhi die totale Kontrolle über seine Mutter und die Regierung hatte wurde vom PMH (Premierminister House) statt vom PMO (Premierminister Office) geführt. ^[54][55][56]

Wahl- und Oppositionsjahre 1977 [ edit

Nachdem 1977 der Ausnahmezustand zweimal verlängert wurde, rief Indira Gandhi Wahlen an, um den Wählern die Chance zu geben, ihre Herrschaft zu verteidigen. Gandhi hat ihre Popularität möglicherweise falsch eingeschätzt, indem er gelesen hat, was die stark zensierte Presse über sie schrieb. ^[57] Jedenfalls wurde sie von der Janata-Allianz der Oppositionsparteien abgelehnt. Das Bündnis bestand aus Bharatiya Jana Sangh, dem Kongress (O), den Sozialistischen Parteien und Charan Singhs Bharatiya Kranti Dal, der nordische Bauern und Bauern vertritt. Die Janata-Allianz mit Jai Prakash Narayan als ihrem spirituellen Führer behauptete, die Wahlen seien die letzte Chance für Indien, zwischen "Demokratie und Diktatur" zu wählen. Während des Wahlkampfs 1977 trennte sich die Kongresspartei: Veteranen der Indira wie Jagjivan Ram, Hemvati Nandan Bahuguna und Nandini Satpathy waren gezwungen, sich zu trennen und eine neue politische Einheit zu bilden, den CFD (Congress for Democracy), der hauptsächlich auf parteipolitische Parteien stieß und auch aufgrund von Umständen, die von Sanjay Gandhi geschaffen wurden. Das vorherrschende Gerücht war, dass Sanjay beabsichtigte, Gandhi zu verdrängen, und das Trio stand dazwischen. Gandhis Kongresspartei wurde bei den Wahlen zutiefst niedergeschlagen. Die Öffentlichkeit erkannte die Aussage und das Motto des Bündnisses der Janata-Partei. Indira und Sanjay Gandhi verloren beide ihre Sitze, und der Kongress wurde auf 153 Sitze reduziert (verglichen mit 350 in der vorherigen Lok Sabha), von denen 92 im Süden lagen. Die Janata-Allianz unter der Führung von Morarji Desai trat nach Aufhebung des Ausnahmezustands an die Macht. Die Bündnisparteien schlossen sich später zur Janata-Partei unter der Führung des Gandhian-Führers Jayaprakash Narayan zusammen. Die anderen Führer der Janata-Partei waren Charan Singh, Raj Narain, George Fernandes und Atal Bihari Vajpayee. ^[58] Obwohl sie verloren ging, erhielt sie zusammen mit Qian Xinzhong einen United Nations Population Award für "Zwang von Männern in Dörfern zur Sterilisation (Medizin)". "im September 1983. ^[59]

In Opposition und Rückkehr zur Macht [ edit ]

1984 Gedenkstempel der UdSSR

Da Gandhi bei den Wahlen seinen Sitz verloren hatte, ernannte die besiegte Kongresspartei Yashwantrao Chavan zu ihrem Fraktionsvorsitzenden. Bald darauf spaltete sich die Kongresspartei erneut, während Gandhi ihre eigene Kongressfraktion trieb. Im November 1978 ^[60][61] gewann sie eine Nachwahl aus dem Chikmagalur-Wahlkreis für die Lok Sabha, nachdem Janata Party versucht hatte, das Kannada-Matinee-Idol Rajkumar gegen sie zu schlagen, als er sich weigerte, Wahlen zu bestreiten, die behaupteten, unpolitisch zu bleiben. ^[62] ] Der Innenminister der Regierung der Janata-Regierung, Choudhary Charan Singh, ordnete jedoch die Festnahme von ihr und Sanjay Gandhi unter mehreren Anklagen an, von denen keine leicht vor einem indischen Gericht zu beweisen wäre. Die Festnahme bedeutete, dass Indira Gandhi automatisch aus dem Parlament ausgeschlossen wurde. Zu diesen Vorwürfen gehörte auch, dass sie "geplant hatte, alle Oppositionsführer im Gefängnis während des Notfalls zu töten". ^[63] Als Antwort auf ihre Festnahme entführten Indira Gandhis Anhänger einen Indian Airlines-Jet und forderten ihre sofortige Freilassung. ^[64] Diese Strategie ist katastrophal zurückgegangen. Ihre Verhaftung und ihr langjähriges Gerichtsverfahren erlangten bei vielen Menschen großes Mitgefühl. Die Janata-Koalition war nur durch ihren Hass auf Gandhi (oder "diese Frau", wie einige sie nannten) vereint. Die Partei bestand aus rechtsgerichteten Hindu-Nationalisten, Sozialisten und ehemaligen Kongresspartnern. Mit so wenig Gemeinsamkeiten wurde die Morarji-Desai-Regierung durch Kämpfe festgefahren. 1979 begann die Regierung, die Frage der doppelten Loyalität einiger Mitglieder gegenüber Janata und der RSS zu klären. Der ehrgeizige Finanzminister der Union, Charan Singh, der im vergangenen Jahr als Innenminister der Union die Verhaftung von Gandhi angeordnet hatte, nutzte dies aus und begann, den Kongress vor Gericht zu stellen. Nach einem bedeutenden Exodus von der Partei zu Charan Singhs Fraktion trat Desai im Juli 1979 zurück. Charan Singh wurde von Präsident Reddy zum Premierminister ernannt, nachdem Indira und Sanjay Gandhi Singh versprochen hatten, dass der Kongress seine Regierung unter bestimmten Bedingungen unterstützen würde. [19659107] Die Bedingungen umfassten die Einstellung aller Anklagen gegen Indira und Sanjay. Da Charan Singh sich weigerte, die Anklage fallen zu lassen, zog der Kongress seine Unterstützung zurück und Präsident Reddy löste das Parlament im August 1979 auf.

Vor den Wahlen von 1980 wandte sich Gandhi an den damaligen Shahi Imam von Jama Masjid, Syed Abdullah Bukhari, und schloss mit ihm eine Vereinbarung auf der Grundlage eines 10-Punkte-Programms, um die Unterstützung der muslimischen Stimmen zu sichern. ^[67] Bei den Wahlen Der im Januar stattgefundene Kongress kehrte mit einer Erdrutschmehrheit an die Macht zurück. ^{[] Zitat erforderlich ]}

Wahlen von 1980 und dritter Wahl [ edit

Der Kongress unter Gandhi kehrte im Januar 1980 an die Macht zurück. ^[68] Bald darauf folgten Wahlen zu Legislativversammlungen in Staaten, die von Oppositionsparteien regiert wurden, die Kongressministerien in diese Staaten. Indiras Sohn Sanjay Gandhi wählte seine eigenen Loyalisten aus, um die Regierungen in diesen Staaten zu leiten. ^[69] Am 23. Juni wurde Gandhis Sohn Sanjay bei einem Flugunfall getötet, als er in New Delhi ein Kunstflugmanöver durchführte. ^[70] 1980 als Tribut Für den Traum ihres Sohnes, ein in Indien hergestelltes Auto zu lancieren, verstaatlichte Gandhi Sanjays verschuldetes Unternehmen namens Maruti Udyog für Rs. 4.34 crore und lud Joint Venture-Angebote von Automobilunternehmen auf der ganzen Welt ein. Als Partner wurde Suzuki aus Japan ausgewählt. Das Unternehmen brachte 1984 sein erstes in Indien hergestelltes Auto auf den Markt. ^[71]

Bis zu Sanjays Tod vertraute Gandhi nur Familienmitgliedern an und überredete daher ihren widerstrebenden Sohn Rajiv, in die Politik einzutreten. [1945903319659020] Zitat benötigt

Zu ihren Mitarbeitern des Premierministers (PMO) gehörte HYSharada Prasad als Informationsberaterin und Redakteurin. ^[72][73]

Operation Blue Star bearbeiten ]

Bei den Wahlen von 1977 kam im nordindischen Bundesstaat Punjab eine von der Sikh-Mehrheit Akali Dal angeführte Koalition an die Macht. In dem Bestreben, den Akali Dal zu spalten und unter den Sikhs populäre Unterstützung zu erhalten, half Indira Gandhis Kongress, den orthodoxen religiösen Führer Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale in der Politik von Punjab hervorzuheben. ^[74][75] Später wurde Bhindranwales Organisation Damdami Taksal in Gewalt mit einem anderen Religiösen verwickelt Die Sekte rief die Sant Nirankari-Mission an, und er wurde beschuldigt, den Mord an Jagat Narain, dem Eigentümer der Zeitung Punjab Kesari angestiftet zu haben. ^[76] Nachdem Bhindranwale in dieser Angelegenheit festgenommen worden war, trennte er sich vom Kongress und schloss sich den Händen an mit dem Akali Dal. ^[77] Im Juli 1982 leitete er die Kampagne zur Umsetzung der Anandpur-Resolution, die mehr Autonomie für den Mehrheitsstaat der Sikh forderte. Unterdessen wandte sich ein kleiner Teil der Sikhs, darunter einige Anhänger von Bhindranwale, zur Militärmacht, nachdem er von Beamten und Polizisten zur Unterstützung der Resolution ins Visier genommen wurde. ^[78] Im Jahr 1982 zogen Bhindranwale und etwa 200 bewaffnete Anhänger in ein berufenes Gästehaus ein der Guru Nanak Niwas in der Umgebung des Goldenen Tempels ^[79]

Bis 1983 war der Tempelkomplex für viele Militante eine Festung. ^[80] The Statesman Später wurde berichtet, dass bekanntermaßen leichte Maschinengewehre und halbautomatische Gewehre in das Gelände gebracht worden waren. ^[81] Am 23. April 1983 wurde der stellvertretende Generalinspekteur der Punjab-Polizei, AS Atwal, erschossen, als er das Tempelgelände verließ. Am folgenden Tag, nach dem Mord, bestätigte Harchand Singh Longowal (der damalige Präsident von Shiromani Akali Dal) die Beteiligung von Bhindranwale an dem Mord. ^[82]

Nach mehreren vergeblichen Verhandlungen ordnete Indira Gandhi den Indianer an Armee im Juni 1984, um den Goldenen Tempel zu betreten, um Bhindranwale und seine Anhänger aus dem Komplex zu entfernen. Die Armee verwendete schwere Artillerie, einschließlich Panzer, in der Aktion "Operation Blue Star". Die Operation beschädigte oder zerstörte Teile des Tempelkomplexes, darunter den Akal Takht-Schrein und die Sikh-Bibliothek. Es führte auch zum Tod einer großen Anzahl von Sikh-Kämpfern und unschuldigen Pilgern. Die Zahl der Opfer ist nach wie vor umstritten mit Schätzungen von vielen hundert bis zu mehreren Tausend ^[83]

. Gandhi wurde vorgeworfen, den Angriff zu politischen Zwecken eingesetzt zu haben. Dr. Harjinder Singh Dilgeer erklärte, Indira Gandhi habe den Tempelkomplex angegriffen, um sich als großer Held zu präsentieren, um gegen Ende 1984 geplante Parlamentswahlen zu gewinnen. ^[84] Es gab heftige Kritik an der Aktion von Sikhs in Indien und im Ausland. ^[85] Es gab auch Fälle von Meuterei durch Sikh-Soldaten nach dem Angriff. ^[83]

Ermordung [ edit

Die Saree, die Indira am Tag ihrer Ermordung trug

Heute ist die Stelle, an der Indira Gandhi ermordet wurde, durch eine Glasöffnung im Kristallpfad des Indira Gandhi Memorial gekennzeichnet

Shakti Sthala der Ort, an dem Indira Gandhi in Neu-Delhi eingeäschert wurde

Am Tag vor ihrem Tod (30. Oktober 1984) besuchte Indira Gandhi ihre letzte Rede in der damalige Paradeplatz vor dem Sekretariat von Orissa. In dieser Rede verband sie auf beeindruckende Weise ihr Blut mit der Gesundheit der Nation. ^{[note 2]}

Am 31. Oktober 1984 erschossen zwei von Gandhis Leibwächtern, Satwant Singh und Beant Singh, ihre Dienstwaffen im Garten der Residenz des Premierministers in der 1. Safdarjung Road, Neu-Delhi. ^[88] Die Erschießung ereignete sich, als sie an einem von Satwant und Beant bewachten Schlupftor vorbeikam. Sie sollte vom britischen Schauspieler Peter Ustinov interviewt werden, der einen Dokumentarfilm für das irische Fernsehen drehte. ^[89] Beant Singh erschoss sie dreimal mit seinem Seitenarm und Satwant Singh schoss 30 Runden. ^[90] Beant Singh und Satwant Singh ließ ihre Waffen fallen und ergab sich. Danach wurden sie von anderen Wachen in einen geschlossenen Raum gebracht, in dem Beant Singh erschossen wurde. Kehar Singh wurde später wegen Verschwörung des Angriffs festgenommen. Sowohl Satwant als auch Kehar wurden im Tihar-Gefängnis von Delhi zum Tode verurteilt und gehängt. ^{Zitat benötigt}

Indira Gandhi wurde um 9:30 Uhr zu den All India Institutes of Medical gebracht Wissenschaften, wo Ärzte sie operierten. Sie wurde um 14:20 Uhr für tot erklärt. Die Obduktion wurde von einem Ärzteteam unter Leitung von Dr. Tirath Das Dogra durchgeführt. Dr. Dogra erklärte, dass bis zu 30 Schusswunden von Indira Gandhi aus zwei Quellen, einer Sterling-Maschinenpistole ^[91][92] und einer Pistole, erlitten wurden. Die Angreifer hatten 31 Kugeln auf sie abgefeuert, von denen 30 getroffen worden waren; 23 war durch ihren Körper gegangen, während 7 in ihr gefangen waren. Dr. Dogra extrahierte Kugeln, um die Identität der Waffen festzustellen und um jede Waffe mit den Kugeln zu vergleichen, die durch ballistische Untersuchung gewonnen wurden. Die Kugeln wurden in CFSL Delhi mit entsprechenden Waffen verglichen. Im Anschluss erschien Dr. Dogra am Gericht von Shri Mahesh Chandra als Sachverständiger (PW-5), und seine Zeugenaussage dauerte mehrere Sitzungen. Die Kreuzprüfung wurde von Shri Pran Nath Lekhi, dem Verteidiger, durchgeführt. ^[93] Salma Sultan gab die ersten Nachrichten von der Ermordung von Indira Gandhi in den Abendnachrichten von Doordarshan am 31. Oktober 1984 bekannt, mehr als zehn Stunden nach ihrer Erschießung. [19659152SiestarbzweiWochenundfünfTagevorihrem67Geburtstag ^{[] ]}

Gandhi wurde am 3. November in der Nähe von Raj Ghat verbrannt. ^[96] Der Ort, an dem sie sich befand cremated is today known as Shakti Sthal.^[97]

Her funeral was televised live on domestic and international stations, including the BBC. Following her cremation, millions of Sikhs were displaced and nearly three thousand were killed in anti-Sikh riots.^[98]Rajiv Gandhi on a live TV show said of the carnage, "When a big tree falls, the earth shakes."^[99][100]

Foreign relations[edit]

Indira Gandhi is remembered for her ability to effectively promote Indian foreign policy measures.^[101]

South Asia[edit]

In early 1971, disputed elections in Pakistan led the then East Pakistan to declare independence as Bangladesh. Repression and violence by the Pakistani army led 10 million refugees to cross border in to India over the coming months.^[102] Finally in December 1971, Gandhi directly intervened in the conflict to liberate Bangladesh. India emerged victorious in the resulting conflict to become the dominant power of South Asia.^[103] India had signed a treaty with the Soviet Union promising mutual assistance in the case of war,^[104] while Pakistan received active support from the United States during the conflict.^[105] U.S. President Richard Nixon disliked Gandhi personally, referring to her as a "witch" and "clever fox" in his private communication with Secretary of State Henry Kissinger.^[106] Nixon later wrote of the war: "[Gandhi] suckered [America]. Suckered us.....this woman suckered us.".^[107] Relations with the U.S. became distant as Gandhi developed closer ties with the Soviet Union after the war. The latter grew to become India's largest trading partner and its biggest arms supplier for much of Gandhi's premiership.^[108] India's new hegemonic position as articulated under the "Indira Doctrine" led to attempts to bring the Himalayan states under the Indian sphere of influence.^[109]Nepal and Bhutan remained aligned with India, while in 1975, after years of building up support, Gandhi incorporated Sikkim into India, after a referendum in which a majority of Sikkimese voted to join India.^[110] This was denounced as a "despicable act" by China.^[112]

India maintained close ties with neighbouring Bangladesh (formerly East Pakistan) following the Liberation War. Prime Minister Sheikh Mujibur Rahman recognized Gandhi's contributions to the independence of Bangladesh. However, Mujibur Rahman's pro-India policies antagonised many in Bangladeshi politics and the military, who feared that Bangladesh had become a client state of India.^[113][114] The Assassination of Mujibur Rahman in 1975 led to the establishment of Islamist military regimes that sought to distance the country from India.^[115] Gandhi's relationship with the military regimes was strained, due to her alleged support of anti-Islamist leftist guerrilla forces in Bangladesh.^[115] Generally, however, there was a rapprochement between Gandhi and the Bangladeshi regimes, although issues such as border disputes and the Farakka Dam remained an irritant in bilateral ties.^[116] In 2011, the Government of Bangladesh conferred its highest state award posthumously on Gandhi for her "outstanding contribution" to the country's independence.^[117]

Gandhi's approach to dealing with Sri Lanka's ethnic problems was initially accommodating. She enjoyed cordial relations with Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike. In 1974, India ceded the tiny islet of Katchatheevu to Sri Lanka in order to save Bandaranaike's socialist government from a political disaster.^[118] However, relations soured over Sri Lanka's turn away from socialism under J. R. Jayewardene, whom Gandhi despised as a "western puppet." India under Gandhi was alleged to have supported LTTE militants in the 1980s to put pressure on Jayewardene to abide by Indian interests.^[120] Nevertheless, Gandhi rejected demands to invade Sri Lanka in the aftermath of Black July 1983, an anti-Tamil pogrom carried out by Sinhalese mobs.^[121] Gandhi made a statement emphasizing that she stood for the territorial integrity of Sri Lanka, although she also stated that India cannot "remain a silent spectator to any injustice done to the Tamil community."^[121][122]

India's relationship with Pakistan remained strained following the Shimla Accord in 1972. Gandhi's authorization of the detonation of a nuclear device at Pokhran in 1974 was viewed by Pakistani leader Zulfikar Ali Bhutto as an attempt to intimidate Pakistan into accepting India's hegemony in the subcontinent. However, in May 1976, Gandhi and Bhutto both agreed to reopen diplomatic establishments and normalize relations.^[123] Following the rise to power of General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq in Pakistan in 1978, India's relations with its neighbour reached a nadir. Gandhi accused General Zia of supporting Khalistani militants in Punjab.^[123] Military hostilities recommenced in 1984 following Gandhi's authorization of Operation Meghdoot.^[124] India was victorious in the resulting Siachen conflict against Pakistan.^[124]

In order to keep the Soviet Union and the United States out of South Asia, Mrs Gandhi was instrumental in establishing the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) in 1983^[125]

Middle East[edit]

Gandhi remained a staunch supporter of Palestinians in the Arab–Israeli conflict and was critical of the Middle East diplomacy sponsored by the United States.Israel was viewed as a religious state and thus an analogue to India's archrival Pakistan. Indian diplomats also hoped to win Arab support in countering Pakistan in Kashmir. Nevertheless, Gandhi authorized the development of a secret channel of contact and security assistance with Israel in the late 1960s. Her lieutenant, P. V. Narasimha Rao, later became Prime Minister and approved full diplomatic ties with Israel in 1992.^[126]

India's pro-Arab policy had mixed success. Establishment of close ties with the socialist and secular Baathist regimes to some extent neutralized Pakistani propaganda against India.^[127] However, the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 put the Arab and Muslim states of the Middle East in a dilemma as the war was fought by two states both friendly to the Arabs.^[128] The progressive Arab regimes in Egypt, Syria, and Algeria chose to remain neutral, while the conservative pro-American Arab monarchies in Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and United Arab Emirates openly supported Pakistan. Egypt's stance was met with dismay by the Indians, who had come to expect close co-operation with the Baathist regimes.^[127] But, the death of Nasser in 1970 and Sadat's growing friendship with Riyadh, and his mounting differences with Moscow, constrained Egypt to a policy of neutrality.^[127] Gandhi's overtures to Muammar Gaddafi were rebuffed.^[128]Libya agreed with the Arab monarchies in believing that Gandhi's intervention in East Pakistan was an attack against Islam.^[128]

The 1971 war temporarily became a stumbling block in growing Indo-Iranian ties.^[127] Although Iran had earlier characterized the Indo-Pakistani war in 1965 as Indian aggression, the Shah had launched an effort at rapprochement with India in 1969 as part of his effort to secure support for a larger Iranian role in the Persian Gulf.^[127] Gandhi's tilt towards Moscow and her dismemberment of Pakistan was perceived by the Shah as part of a larger anti-Iran conspiracy involving India, Iraq, and the Soviet Union.^[127] Nevertheless, Iran had resisted Pakistani pressure to activate the Baghdad Pact and draw in the Central Treaty Organisation (CENTO) into the conflict.^[127] Gradually, Indian and Iranian disillusionment with their respective regional allies led to a renewed partnership between the nations.^[129] Gandhi was unhappy with the lack of support from India's Arab allies during the war with Pakistan, while the Shah was apprehensive at the growing friendship between Pakistan and Arab states of the Persian Gulf, specially Saudi Arabia, and the growing influence of Islam in Pakistani society.^[129] There was an increase in Indian economic and military co-operation with Iran during the 1970s.^[129] The 1974 India-Iranian agreement led to Iran supplying nearly 75 percent of India's crude oil demands.^[130] Gandhi appreciated the Shah's disregard of Pan-Islamism in diplomacy.^[129]

Asia-Pacific[edit]

One of the major developments in Southeast Asia during Gandhi's premiership was the formation of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 1967. Relations between ASEAN and India was mutually antagonistic. ASEAN in the Indian perception was linked to the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO), and it was therefore, seen as a pro-American organisation. On their part, the ASEAN nations were unhappy with Gandhi's sympathy for the Viet Cong and India's strong links with the USSR. Furthermore, they were also apprehensions in the region about Gandhi's future plans, particularly after India played a big role in breaking up Pakistan and facilitating in the emergence of Bangladesh as a sovereign country in 1971. India's entry into the nuclear weapons club in 1974 contributed to tensions in Southeast Asia.^[131] Relations only began to improve following Gandhi's endorsement of the ZOPFAN declaration and the disintegration of the SEATO alliance in the aftermath of Pakistani and American defeats in the region. Nevertheless, Gandhi's close relations with reunified Vietnam and her decision to recognize the Vietnam installed Government of Cambodia in 1980 meant that India and ASEAN were not able to develop a viable partnership.^[131]

Africa[edit]

Although independent India was initially viewed as a champion of anti-colonialism, its cordial relationship with the Commonwealth of Nations and liberal views of British colonial policies in East Africa had harmed its image as a staunch supporter of the anti-colonial movements.^[132] Indian condemnation of militant struggles in Kenya and Algeria was in sharp contrast to China, who had supported armed struggle to win African independence.^[132] After reaching a high diplomatic point in the aftermath of Nehru's role in the Suez Crisis, India's isolation from Africa was complete when only four nations; Ethiopia, Kenya, Nigeria and Libya supported her during the Sino-Indian War in 1962.^[132] After Gandhi became Prime Minister, diplomatic and economic relations with the states which had sided with India during the Sino-Indian War were expanded.^[132] Gandhi began negotiations with the Kenyan government to establish the Africa-India Development Cooperation. The Indian government also started considering the possibility of bringing Indians settled in Africa within the framework of its policy goals to help recover its declining geo-strategic influence. Gandhi declared the people of Indian origin settled in Africa as "Ambassadors of India."^[132] Efforts to rope in the Asian community to join Indian diplomacy, however, came to naught, partly because of the unwillingness of Indians to remain in politically insecure surroundings and partly due to the exodus of African Indians to Britain with the passing of the Commonwealth Immigrants Act in 1968.^[132] In Uganda, the African Indian community even suffered persecution and eventually expulsion under the government of Idi Amin.^[133]

Foreign and domestic policy successes in the 1970s enabled Gandhi to rebuild India's image in the eyes of African states.^[132] Victory over Pakistan and India's possession of nuclear weapons showed the degree of India's progress.^[132] Furthermore, the conclusion of the Indo-Soviet treaty in 1971 and threatening gestures by the major western power, the United States, to send its nuclear armed Task Force 74 into the Bay of Bengal at the height of the East Pakistan crisis had enabled India to regain its anti-imperialist image.^[132] Gandhi firmly tied Indian anti-imperialist interests in Africa to those of the Soviet Union.^[134] Unlike Nehru, she openly and enthusiastically supported liberation struggles in Africa.^[134] At the same time, Chinese influence in Africa had declined owing to its incessant quarrels with the Soviet Union.^[132] These developments permanently halted India's decline in Africa and helped reestablish its geo-strategic presence.^[132]

The Commonwealth[edit]

The Commonwealth is voluntary association of mainly former British colonies. India maintained cordial relations with most of the members during Indira Gandhi's time in power. In the 1980s, Indira Gandhi along with Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, Zambia's President Kenneth Kaunda, Australian prime minister Malcolm Fraser and Singapore Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew was regarded as one of the pillars of the commonwealth^[135] India under Indira also hosted the 1983 Commonwealth heads of Government summit in New Delhi in 1983. Gandhi used to use the Commonwealth meetings as a forum to put pressure on member countries to cut economic, sports, and cultural ties with Apartheid South Africa ^[136]

The Non-aligned Movement[edit]

In the early 1980s under Gandhi, India attempted to reassert its prominent role in the Non-Aligned Movement by focusing on the relationship between disarmament and economic development. By appealing to the economic grievances of developing countries, Gandhi and her successors exercised a moderating influence on the Non-aligned movement, diverting it from some of the Cold War issues that marred the controversial 1979 Havana meeting where Cuban leader Fidel Castro attempted to steer the movement towards the Soviet Union.^[137] Although hosting the 1983 summit at Delhi boosted Indian prestige within the movement, its close relations with the Soviet Union and its pro-Soviet positions on Afghanistan and Cambodia limited its influence.^{[citation needed]}

Western Europe[edit]

Indira spent a number of years in Europe during her youth and formed many friendships during her stay there. During her premiership she formed friendship with many socialist leaders such as German chancellor, Willy Brandt^[138] and Austrian chancellor Bruno Kreisky.^[139] She also enjoyed closed working relationship with many British leaders including conservative premiers, Edward Heath and Margaret Thatcher.^[140]

Soviet Union[edit]

The relationship between India and the Soviet Union deepened during Gandhi's rule. The main reason was the perceived bias of United States and China, the rivals of USSR, towards Pakistan. The support of USSR with arms supplies and casting of veto at United Nations helped in winning and consolidating the victory over Pakistan in the 1971 Bangladesh liberation war. Prior to the war Indira signed a treaty of friendship with the USSR. The USSR was not happy with the 1974 nuclear test conducted by India but did not support further action because of the ensuing cold war with the United States. Indira was not happy with the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan but once again calculations involving relations with Pakistan and China kept from criticizing the Soviet Union harshly. USSR became the main arms supplier during the Indira years by offering cheap credit and transactions in rupees rather than in dollars. The easy trade deals also applied to non-military goods. Under Indira by the early 1980s the USSR became the largest trading partner of India.^[141]

United States[edit]

When Indira came to power in 1966, Lyndon Johnson was the US President. At that time, India was reliant on USA for food aid. Indira resented the US policy of food aid as a tool in forcing India to adopt policies favored by the US. She also resolutely refused to sign the NPT (Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons). Relations with US strained badly under President Richard Nixon and his favoring of Pakistan during the Bangladesh liberation war. Nixon despised Indira politically and personally.^[142] Indira met President Ronald Reagan in 1981 for the first time at the North–South Summit held to discuss global poverty. Indira had been described to him as an 'Ogre' but he found her charming and easy to work with and they formed a close working relationship during her premiership in the 1980s.^[143]

Economic policy[edit]

Gandhi presided over three Five-Year Plans as Prime Minister, two of which succeeded in meeting the targeted growth.^[144]

There is considerable debate regarding whether Gandhi was a socialist on principle or out of political expediency.^[37]Sunanda K. Datta-Ray described her as "a master of rhetoric...often more posture than policy", while The Times journalist, Peter Hazelhurst, famously quipped that Gandhi's socialism was "slightly left of self-interest."^[145] Critics have focused on the contradictions in the evolution of her stance towards communism; Gandhi being known for her anti-communist stance in the 1950s with Meghnad Desai even describing her as "the scourge of [India's] Communist Party."^[146] Yet, she later forged close relations with Indian communists even while using the army to break the Naxalites. In this context, Gandhi was accused of formulating populist policies to suit her political needs; being seemingly against the rich and big business while preserving the status quo in order to manipulate the support of the left at times of political insecurity, such as the late 1960s.^[148] Although Gandhi came to be viewed in time as the scourge of the right-wing and reactionary political elements of India, leftist opposition to her policies emerged. As early as 1969, critics had begun accusing her of insincerity and machiavellianism. The Indian Libertarian wrote that: "it would be difficult to find a more machiavellian leftist than Mrs Indira Gandhi...for here is Machiavelli at its best in the person of a suave, charming and astute politician."^[149]Rosser wrote that "some have even seen the declaration of emergency rule in 1975 as a move to suppress [leftist] dissent against Gandhi's policy shift to the right."^[37] In the 1980s, Gandhi was accused of "betraying socialism" after the beginning of Operation Forwardan attempt at economic reform.^[150] Nevertheless, others were more convinced of Gandhi's sincerity and devotion to socialism. Pankaj Vohra noted that "even the late prime minister's critics would concede that the maximum number of legislations of social significance was brought about during her tenure...[and that] she lives in the hearts of millions of Indians who shared her concern for the poor and weaker sections and who supported her politics."^[151]

In summarizing the biographical works on Gandhi, Blema S. Steinberg concluded she was decidedly non-ideological.^[152] Only 7.4% (24) of the total 330 biographical extractions posit ideology as a reason for her policy choices.^[152] Steinberg noted Gandhi's association with socialism was superficial; only having a general and traditional commitment to the ideology, by way of her political and family ties.^[152] Gandhi personally had a fuzzy concept of socialism. In one of the early interviews she had given as Prime Minister, Gandhi had ruminated: "I suppose you could call me a socialist, but you have understand what we mean by that term...we used the word [socialism] because it came closest to what we wanted to do here – which is to eradicate poverty. You can call it socialism; but if by using that word we arouse controversy, I don't see why we should use it. I don't believe in words at all."^[152] Regardless of the debate over her ideology or lack of thereof, Gandhi remains a left-wing icon. She has been described by Hindustan Times columnist, Pankaj Vohra as "arguably the greatest mass leader of the last century."^[151] Her campaign slogan, Garibi Hatao (Eng: Remove Poverty), has become the iconic motto of the Indian National Congress^{[citation needed]}. To the rural and urban poor, untouchables, minorities and women in India, Gandhi was "Indira Amma or Mother Indira."^[153]

Green Revolution and the Fourth Five-Year Plan[edit]

Gandhi inherited a weak and troubled economy. Fiscal problems associated with the war with Pakistan in 1965, along with a drought-induced food crisis that spawned famines, had plunged India into the sharpest recession since independence.^[37][33] The government responded by taking steps to liberalize the economy, and by agreeing to the devaluation of the currency in return for the restoration of foreign aid.^[33] The economy managed to recover in 1966 and ended up growing at 4.1% over 1966–1969.^[154] But, much of that growth was offset by the fact that the external aid promised by the United States government and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD), meant to ease the short-run costs of adjustment to a liberalized economy, never materialized.^[33] American policy makers had complained of continued restrictions imposed on the economy. At the same time, Indo-US relations were straining due to Gandhi's criticism of the American bombing campaign in Vietnam. While it was thought, at the time, and for decades after, that President Johnson's policy of withholding food grain shipments was to coerce Indian support for the war, in fact, it was to offer India rainmaking technology that he wanted to use as a counterweight to China's possession of the atomic bomb.^[155][156] In light of the circumstances, liberalization became politically suspect and was soon abandoned.^[33] Grain diplomacy and currency devaluation became matters of intense national pride in India. After the bitter experience with Johnson, Gandhi decided not to request food aid in the future. Moreover, Gandhi's government resolved never again to become "so vulnerably dependent" on aid, and painstakingly began building up substantial foreign exchange reserves.^[157] When food stocks slumped after poor harvests in 1972, the government made it a point to use foreign exchange to buy US wheat commercially rather than seek resumption of food aid.^[158]

Indira Gandhi meeting President Lyndon B. Johnson in the Oval Office on 28 March 1966

The period of 1967–75 was characterized by socialist ascendency in India which culminated in 1976 with the official declaration of state socialism. Gandhi not only abandoned the short lived liberalization programme but also aggressively expanded the public sector with new licensing requirements and other restrictions for industry. She began a new course by launching the Fourth Five-Year Plan in 1969. The government targeted growth at 5.7% while stating as its goals, "growth with stability and progressive achievement of self-reliance."^[159] The rationale behind the overall plan was Gandhi's Ten Point Programme of 1967. This had been her first economic policy formulation, six months after coming to office. The programme emphasized greater state control of the economy with the understanding that government control assured greater welfare than private control. Related to this point were a set of policies which were meant to regulate the private sector. By the end of the 1960s, the reversal of the liberalization process was complete, and India's policies were characterised as "protectionist as ever."^[157]

To deal with India's food problems, Gandhi expanded the emphasis on production of inputs to agriculture that had already been initiated by her father, Jawaharlal Nehru.^[37] The Green Revolution in India subsequently culminated under her government in the 1970s and transformed the country from a nation heavily reliant on imported grains and prone to famine to being largely able to feed itself, and become successful in achieving its goal of food security. Gandhi had a personal motive in pursuing agricultural self-sufficiency, having found India's dependency on the U.S. for shipments of grains humiliating.^[160]

The economic period of 1967–75 became significant for its major wave of nationalisations amidst the increased regulation of the private sector.^[37]

Some of the other objectives of the economic plan for the period was to provide for the minimum needs of the community through a rural works program and the removal of the privy purses of the nobility. Both these, and many other goals of the 1967 program were accomplished by 1974–75. Nevertheless, the success of the overall economic plan was tempered by the fact that annual growth at 3.3–3.4% over 1969–74 fell short of the targeted figure.

State of Emergency and the Fifth Five-Year Plan[edit]

The Fifth Five-Year Plan (1974–79) was enacted in the backdrop of the state of emergency and the Twenty Point Program of 1975. The latter was the economic rationale of the emergency, a political act which has often been justified on economic grounds. In contrast to the reception of Gandhi's earlier economic plan, this one was criticized for being a "hastily thrown together wish list." Gandhi promised to reduce poverty by targeting the consumption levels of the poor and enact wide-ranging social and economic reforms. The government additionally targeted an annual growth of 4.4% over the period of the plan.^[144]

The measures of the emergency regime was able to halt the economic trouble of the early to mid-1970s, which had been marred by harvest failures, fiscal contraction, and the breakdown of the Bretton Woods system of fixed exchanged rate; the resulting turbulence in the foreign exchange markets being further accentuated by the oil shock of 1973.^[154] The government was even able to exceed the targeted growth figure with an annual growth rate of 5.0–5.2% over the five-year period of the plan (1974–79).^[144] The economy grew at the rate of 9% in 1975–76 alone, and the Fifth Plan, became the first plan during which the per capita income of the economy grew by over 5%.^[161]

Operation Forward and the Sixth Five-Year Plan[edit]

Gandhi inherited a weak economy when she again became Prime Minister in 1980.^[162] The preceding year in 1979–80 under the Janata Party government had led to the strongest recession (−5.2%) in the history of modern India with inflation rampant at 18.2%.^{[37][161][163]} Gandhi proceeded to abrogate the Janata Party government's Five-Year Plan in 1980 and launched the Sixth Five-Year Plan (1980–85). The government targeted an average growth of 5.2% over the period of the plan.^[144] Measures to check the inflation were also taken; by the early 1980s inflation was under control at an annual rate of about 5%.^[163]

Although Gandhi continued professing socialist beliefs, the Sixth Five-Year Plan was markedly different from the years of Garibi Hatao. Populist programs and policies were replaced by pragmatism. There was an emphasis on tightening public expenditures, greater efficiency of the state-owned enterprises (SOE), which Gandhi qualified as a "sad thing", and in stimulating the private sector through deregulation and liberation of the capital market.^[164] The government subsequently launched Operation Forward in 1982, the first cautious attempt at reform.^[165] The Sixth Plan went on to become the most successful of the Five-Year Plans yet; showing an average growth of 5.7% over 1980–85.^[144]

Inflation and unemployment[edit]

The price of oil during the 1970s energy crisis. The graph shows sharp increases in 1973 and again in 1979

During Lal Bahadur Shastri's last full year in office (1965), inflation averaged 7.7%, compared to 5.2% at the end of Gandhi's first stint in office (1977).^[166] On average, inflation in India had remained below 7% through the 1950s and 1960s.^[167] But, it then accelerated sharply in the 1970s, from 5.5% in 1970–71 to over 20% by 1973–74, due to the international oil crisis.^[166] Gandhi declared inflation the gravest of problems in 1974 (at 25.2%) and devised a severe anti-inflation program. The government was successful in bringing down inflation during the emergency; achieving negative figures of −1.1% by the end of 1975–76.^[162][166]

Gandhi inherited a tattered economy in her second term; harvest failures and a second oil shock in the late 1970s had again caused inflation to rise.^[162] During Charan Singh's short reign in office in the second half of 1979, inflation averaged 18.2%, compared to 6.5% during Gandhi's last year in office (1984).^[163][166] General economic recovery under Gandhi led to an average inflation at 6.5% from 1981–82 to 1985–86; the lowest since the beginning of India's inflation problems in the 1960s.^[167]

Unemployment stayed constant at 9% over a nine-year period (1971–80) before declining to 8.3% in 1983.^[168]

Domestic policy[edit]

Nationalisation[edit]

Despite the provisions, control and regulations of Reserve Bank of India, most banks in India had continued to be owned and operated by private persons.^[169] Businessmen who owned the banks were often accused of channeling the deposits into their own companies, and ignoring the priority sector. Furthermore, there was a great resentment against class banking in India, which had left the poor (the majority population) unbanked.^[170] After becoming Prime Minister, Gandhi expressed the intention of nationalising the banks in a paper titled, "Stray thoughts on Bank Nationalisation" in order to alleviate poverty.^[171] The paper received the overwhelming support of the public.^[171] In 1969, Gandhi moved to nationalise fourteen major commercial banks. After the nationalisation of banks, the branches of the public sector banks in India rose to approximate 800 percent in deposits, and advances took a huge jump by 11,000 percent.^[172] Nationalisation also resulted in a significant growth in the geographical coverage of banks; the number of bank branches rose from 8,200 to over 62,000, most of which were opened in the unbanked, rural areas. The nationalization drive not only helped to increase household savings, but it also provided considerable investments in the informal sector, in small and medium-sized enterprises, and in agriculture, and contributed significantly to regional development and to the expansion of India's industrial and agricultural base.^[173]Jayaprakash Narayan, who became famous for leading the opposition to Gandhi in the 1970s, was solid in his praise for her bank nationalisations.^[170]

Having been re-elected in 1971 on a nationalisation platform, Gandhi proceeded to nationalise the coal, steel, copper, refining, cotton textiles, and insurance industries.^[37] Most of these nationalisations were made to protect employment and the interest of the organised labour.^[37] The remaining private sector industries were placed under strict regulatory control.^[37]

During the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971, foreign-owned private oil companies had refused to supply fuel to the Indian Navy and Indian Air Force. In response, Gandhi nationalised oil companies in 1973.^[174] After nationalisation the oil majors such as the Indian Oil Corporation (IOC), the Hindustan Petroleum Corporation (HPCL) and the Bharat Petroleum Corporation (BPCL) had to keep a minimum stock level of oil, to be supplied to the military when needed.^[175]

Administration[edit]

In 1966, Gandhi accepted the demands of the Akalis to reorganize Punjab on linguistic lines. The Hindi-speaking southern half of Punjab became a separate state, Haryana, while the Pahari speaking hilly areas in the north east were joined to Himachal Pradesh. In doing so, she had hoped to ward off the growing political conflict between Hindu and Sikh groups in the region. However, a contentious issue that was considered unresolved by the Akalis was the status of Chandigarh, a prosperous city on the Punjab-Haryana border, which Gandhi declared a union territory to be shared as a capital by both the states.^[177]

Victory over Pakistan in 1971 consolidated Indian power in Kashmir. Gandhi indicated that she would make no major concessions on Kashmir. The most prominent of the Kashmiri separatists, Sheikh Abdullah, had to recognize India's control over Kashmir in light of the new order in South Asia. The situation was normalized in the years following the war after Abdullah agreed to an accord with Gandhi, by giving up the demand for a plebiscite in return for a special autonomous status for Kashmir. In 1975, Gandhi declared the state of Jammu and Kashmir as a constituent unit of India. The Kashmir conflict remained largely peaceful if frozen under Gandhi's premiership.^[178]

In 1972, Gandhi granted statehood to Meghalaya, Manipur and Tripura, while the North-East Frontier Agency was declared a union territory and renamed Arunachal Pradesh. The transition to statehood for these territories was successfully overseen by her administration.^[179] This was followed by the annexation of Sikkim in 1975.

Social reform[edit]

The principle of equal pay for equal work for both men and women was enshrined in the Indian Constitution under the Gandhi administration.^[180]

Gandhi questioned the continued existence of a privy purse for former rulers of princely states. She argued the case for abolition based on equal rights for all citizens and the need to reduce the government's revenue deficit. The nobility responded by rallying around the Jana Sangh and other right-wing parties that stood in opposition to Gandhi's attempts to abolish royal privileges.^[148] The motion to abolish privy purses, and the official recognition of the titles, was originally brought before the Parliament in 1970. It was passed in the Lok Sabha but felt short of the two-thirds majority in the Rajya Sabha by a single vote. Gandhi responded by having a Presidential proclamation issued; de-recognizing the princes; with this withdrawal of recognition, their claims to privy purses were also legally lost. However, the proclamation was struck down by the Supreme Court of India. In 1971, Gandhi again motioned to abolish the privy purse. This time, it was successfully passed as the 26th Amendment to the Constitution of India.^[148] Many royals tried to protest the abolition of the privy purse, primarily through campaigns to contest seats in elections. They, however, received a final setback when many of them were defeated by huge margins.^{[citation needed]}

Gandhi claimed that only "clear vision, iron will and the strictest discipline" can remove poverty.^[148] She justified the imposition of the state of emergency in 1975 in the name of the socialist mission of the Congress.^[148] Armed with the power to rule by decree and without constitutional constraints, Gandhi embarked on a massive redistribution program.^[148] The provisions included rapid enforcement of land ceilings, housing for landless labourers, the abolition of bonded labour and a moratorium on the debts of the poor.^[148] North India was at the centre of the reforms; millions of acres of land were acquired and redistributed.^[148] The government was also successful in procuring houses for landless labourers; according to Frankel, three-fourths of the targeted four million houses was achieved in 1975 alone.^[148] Nevertheless, others have disputed the success of the program and criticized Gandhi for not doing enough to reform land ownership. The political economist, Jyotindra Das Gupta, cryptically questioned "...whether or not the real supporters of land-holders were in jail or in power?"^[148] Critics also accused Gandhi of choosing to "talk left and act right", referring to her concurrent pro-business decisions and endeavours.^[148]Rosser wrote that "some have even seen the declaration of emergency rule in 1975 as a move to suppress dissent against Gandhi's policy shift to the right."^[37] Regardless of the controversy over the nature of the reforms, the long-term effects of the social changes gave rise to prominence of middle-ranking farmers from intermediate and lower castes in North India.^[148] The rise of these newly empowered social classes challenged the political establishment of the Hindi Belt in the years to come.^[148]

Language policy[edit]

Under the Constitution of India of 1950, Hindi was to have become the official national language by 1965. This was not acceptable to many non-Hindi speaking states, who wanted the continued use of English in government. In 1967, Gandhi made a constitutional amendment that guaranteed the de facto use of both Hindi and English as official languages. This established the official government policy of bilingualism in India and satisfied the non-Hindi speaking Indian states.^[152] Gandhi thus put herself forward as a leader with a pan-Indian vision.^[182] Nevertheless, critics alleged that her stance was actually meant to weaken the position of rival Congress leaders from the northern states such as Uttar Pradesh, where there had been strong, sometimes violent, pro-Hindi agitations.^[152] Gandhi came out of the language conflicts with the strong support of the south Indian populace.^[182]

National security[edit]

In the late 1960s and 1970s, Gandhi had the Indian army crush militant Communist uprisings in the Indian state of West Bengal.^[183] The communist insurgency in India was completely suppressed during the state of emergency.^{[184][185][186]}

Gandhi considered the north-eastern regions important, because of its strategic situation.^[187] In 1966, the Mizo uprising took place against the government of India and overran almost the whole of the Mizoram region. Gandhi ordered the Indian Army to launch massive retaliatory strikes in response. The rebellion was suppressed with the Indian Air Force even carrying out airstrikes in Aizawl; this remains the only instance of India carrying out an airstrike in its own civilian territory.^[179][188] The defeat of Pakistan in 1971 and the secession of East Pakistan as pro-India Bangladesh led to the collapse of the Mizo separatist movement. In 1972, after the less extremist Mizo leaders came to the negotiating table, Gandhi upgraded Mizoram to the status of a union territory. A small-scale insurgency by some militants continued into the late 1970s but was successfully dealt with by the government.^[179] The Mizo conflict was definitively resolved during the administration of Gandhi's son Rajiv. Today, Mizoram is considered as one of the most peaceful states in the north-east.^[189]

Responding to the insurgency in Nagaland, Gandhi "unleashed a powerful military offensive" in the 1970s.^[190] Finally, a massive crackdown on the insurgents took place during the state of emergency ordered by Gandhi. The insurgents soon agreed to surrender and signed the Shillong Accord in 1975.^[191] While the agreement was considered a victory for the Indian government and ended large-scale conflicts,^[192] there has since been spurts of violence by rebel holdouts and ethnic conflict amongst the tribes.^[192]

Nuclear Program of India[edit]

Gandhi contributed and further carried out the vision of Jawaharlal Nehru, former Premier of India to develop the program. Gandhi authorised the development of nuclear weapons in 1967, in response to the Test No. 6 by People's Republic of China. Gandhi saw this test as Chinese nuclear intimidation, therefore, Gandhi promoted the views of Nehru to establish India's stability and security interests as independent from those of the nuclear superpowers.^{[citation needed]}

The program became fully mature in 1974, when Dr. Raja Ramanna reported to Gandhi that India had the ability to test its first nuclear weapon. Gandhi gave verbal authorisation of this test, and preparations were made in a long-constructed army base, the Indian Army Pokhran Test Range. In 1974, India successfully conducted an underground nuclear test, unofficially code named as "Smiling Buddha", near the desert village of Pokhran in Rajasthan. As the world was quiet by this test, a vehement protest came forward from Pakistan. Great ire was raised in Pakistan and its Prime Minister, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, described this test as "Indian hegemony" to intimidate Pakistan. In response to this Bhutto launched a massive campaign all over the Pakistan to make Pakistan a nuclear power. In these campaigns Bhutto asked the nation to get united and great slogans were raised such as hum ghaas aur pattay kha lay gay magar nuclear power ban k rhe gay (We will eat grass or leaves even go hungry but will get nuclear power). Gandhi directed a letter to Bhutto and, later to the world, describing the test for peaceful purposes and India's commitment to develop its programme for industrial and scientific use.^{[citation needed]}

Family, personal life and outlook[edit]

Portrait of Feroze and Indira Gandhi

Prime Minister Indira Gandhi with grandson Rahul Gandhi on her 53rd birthday, in New Delhi on 19 November 1970.

She married Feroze Gandhi at the age of 25, in 1942. Their marriage lasted 18 years, until Feroze died of a heart attack in 1960. They had two sons – Rajiv (b. 1944) and Sanjay (b. 1946). Her younger son Sanjay had initially been her chosen heir; but after his death in a flying accident in June 1980, Gandhi persuaded her reluctant elder son Rajiv to quit his job as a pilot and enter politics in February 1981. Rajiv took office as prime minister following his mother's assassination in 1984; he served until December 1989. Rajiv Gandhi himself was assassinated by a suicide bomber working on behalf of LTTE on 21 May 1991.^{[citation needed]}

Gandhi's yoga guru, Dhirendra Brahmachari, helped her in making certain decisions and also executed certain top level political tasks on her behalf, especially from 1975 to 1977 when Gandhi "declared a state of emergency and suspended civil liberties."^[193][194]

In January 2017, a woman called Priya Singh Paul claimed to be Indira's granddaughter as Sanjay Gandhi's biological daughter. She claims that she was given away for adoption because Indira Gandhi hid her as a child and her mother as a wife of Sanjay Gandhi for political reasons.^[195]

Views on women[edit]

In 1952 in a letter to her American friend Dorothy Norman, Gandhi wrote: "I am in no sense a feminist, but I believe in women being able to do everything...Given the opportunity to develop, capable Indian women have come to the top at once." While this statement appears paradoxical, it reflects Gandhi's complex feelings toward her gender and feminism.^[196] Her egalitarian upbringing with her cousins helped contribute to her sense of natural equality. "Flying kites, climbing trees, playing marbles with her boy cousins, Indira said she hardly knew the difference between a boy and a girl until the age of twelve."^[197][198]

Indira Gandhi did not often discuss her gender, but she did involve herself in women's issues before becoming the prime minister. Before her election as the Prime Minister, she became active in the organizational wing of the Congress party, working in part in the Women's Department.^[199] In 1956, Gandhi had an active role in setting up the Congress Party's Women's Section.^[200] Unsurprisingly, a lot of her involvement stemmed from her father. As an only child, Gandhi naturally stepped into the political light. And, as a woman, Gandhi naturally helped head the Women's section of the Congress Party. She often tried to organize women to involve themselves in politics^{[citation needed]}. Although rhetorically Gandhi may have attempted to separate her political success from her gender, Gandhi did involve herself in women's organizations. The political parties in India paid substantial attention to Gandhi's gender before she became prime minister, hoping to use her for political gain^{[citation needed]}.
Even though men surrounded Gandhi during her upbringing, she still had a female role model as a child. Several books on Gandhi mention her interest in Joan of Arc. In her own accounts through her letters she wrote to her friend Dorothy Norman, in 1952 she wrote: "At about eight or nine I was taken to France; Jeanne d'Arc became a great heroine of mine. She was one of the first people I read about with enthusiasm."^[201] Another historian recounts Indira's comparison of herself to Joan of Arc: "Indira developed a fascination for Joan of Arc, telling her aunt, 'Someday I am going to lead my people to freedom just as Joan of Arc did!'"^[202] Gandhi's linking of herself to Joan of Arc presents a nice model for historians to assess Gandhi. As one writer said: "The Indian people were her children; members of her family were the only people capable of leading them."^[203]

Gandhi had been swept up in the call for Indian independence since she was born in 1917.^[204] Thus by 1947 she was already well immersed in politics, and by 1966, when she first assumed the position of prime minister, she had held several cabinet positions in her father's office.^{[citation needed]}

Gandhi's advocacy for women's rights began with her help in establishing the Congress Party's Women's Section.^{[citation needed]} In 1956, she wrote in a letter: "It is because of this that I am taking a much more active part in politics. I have to do a great deal of touring in order to set up the Congress Party Women's Section, and am on numerous important committees."^[200] Gandhi spent a great deal of time throughout the 1950s helping organize women. She wrote to Norman in 1959, irritable that women had organized around the communist cause but had not mobilized for the Indian cause: "The women, whom I have been trying to organize for years, had always refused to come into politics. Now they are out in the field."^[205] Once appointed president in 1959, she "travelled relentlessly, visiting remote parts of the country that had never before received a VIP...she talked to women, asked about child health and welfare, inquired after the crafts of the region"^[206] Gandhi's actions throughout her ascent to power clearly reflect a desire to mobilize women^{[citation needed]}. Gandhi did not see the purpose of feminism. Gandhi saw her own success as a woman, and also noted that "Given the opportunity to develop, capable Indian women have come to the top at once."^[196]

Gandhi felt guilty about her inability to fully devote her time to her children. She noted that her main problem in office was how to balance her political duties with tending to her children, and "stressed that motherhood was the most important part of her life."^[207] At another point, she went into more detail: "To a woman, motherhood is the highest fulfilment...To bring a new being into this world, to see its perfection and to dream of its future greatness is the most moving of all experiences and fills one with wonder and exaltation."^[208]

Her domestic initiatives did not necessarily reflect favourably on Indian women. Gandhi did not make a special effort to appoint women to cabinet positions. She did not appoint any women to full cabinet rank during her terms in office.^[101] Yet despite this, many women saw Gandhi as a symbol for feminism and an image of women's power.^[101]

After leading India to victory against Pakistan in the Bangladesh liberation war in 1971, Prime Minister (Mrs. Indira Gandhi) recommended & President V. V. Giri awarded Mrs. Gandhi India's highest civilian honour, the Bharat Ratna.^{[209][210][211]} In 2011, the Bangladesh Freedom Honour (Bangladesh Swadhinata Sammanona), Bangladesh's highest civilian award, was posthumously conferred on Indira Gandhi for her "outstanding contributions" to Bangladesh's Liberation War.^[212]

Indira Gandhi's main legacy was standing firm in face of American pressure to defeat Pakistan and turn East Pakistan into independent Bangladesh.^[102] She was also responsible for India joining the club of countries with nuclear weapons.^{[clarification needed]} Despite India being officially part of the Non-Aligned Movement, she gave Indian foreign policy a tilt towards the Soviet bloc.^[141]

In 2012, Gandhi was ranked number 7 in Outlook India's poll of the Greatest Indian.^[213]

Being at the forefront of Indian politics for decades, Gandhi left a powerful but controversial legacy on Indian politics. The main legacy of her rule was destroying internal party democracy in the Congress party. Her detractors accuse her of weakening State chief ministers and thereby weakening the federal structure, weakening independence of judiciary, and weakening her cabinet by vesting power in her secretariat and her sons.^{[POV? – discuss][214]} Gandhi is also associated with fostering a culture of nepotism in Indian politics and in India's institutions.^[215] She is also almost singularly associated with the period of Emergency rule and the dark period in Indian Democracy that it entailed.^[216]
The Congress party was a "broad church" during the independence movement; however, it started turning into a family firm controlled by Indira Gandhi's family during the emergency.This was characterized by servility and sycophancy towards the family which later turned into hereditary succession of Gandhi family members to power.^[217]
Her actions in storming the Golden Temple alienated Sikhs for a very long time.^[218] One of her legacies is supposed to be the systematic corruption of all parts of India's government from the executive to the judiciary due to her sense of insecurity.^[219]
Although the Maruti Udyog company was first established by Gandhi's son, Sanjay, it was under Indira that the then nationalized company came to prominence.^[71]
She remains the only woman ever to occupy the office of the Prime Minister of India.^[220]

Posthumous honours[edit]

See also[edit]

References[edit]

Notes[edit]

1. ^ Atal Bihari Vajpayee though categorically denied ever having said that when he made an appearance in Rajat Sharma's show Aap ki Adalat.^[45]
   


2. ^ In her last speech she said, "I am alive today, I may not be there tomorrow...I shall continue to serve until my last breath and when I die, I can say, that every drop of my blood will invigorate India and strengthen it".^[86] Even if I died in the service of the nation, I would be proud of it. Every drop of my blood... will contribute to the growth of this nation and to make it strong and dynamic.^[87] After her death, the Parade Ground was converted to the Indira Gandhi Park which was inaugurated by her son, Rajiv Gandhi.
   

References[edit]

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Sources[edit]

• Skard, Torild (2014). "Indira Gandhi". Women of Power: Half a Century of Female Presidents and Prime Ministers Worldwide. Bristol: Policy Press. ISBN 9781447315780.


• Barbara Somervill (2007). Indira Gandhi: Political Leader in India. Capstone Publishers. ISBN 978-0756518851.


• Katherine Frank (2010). Indira: the life of Indira Nehru Gandhi. HarperCollins. ISBN 978-0007372508.


• Meena Agrawal (2005). Indira Gandhi. Diamond Pocket Books. ISBN 81-288-0901-6.


• Pranay Gupte (2012). Mother India: A Political Biography of Indira Gandhi. Pinguin-Bücher. ISBN 978-0143068266.


• Pupul Jayakar (1997). Indira Gandhi: A Biography. Pinguin-Bücher. ISBN 978-0140114621.


• Yogendra Kumar Malik (1988). India: The Years of Indira Gandhi. Brill-Verleger. ISBN 978-9004086814.

Further reading[edit]

External links[edit]

1954–1960
1961–1980
1981–2000
2001–2019